En 1610, Muley Xeque se titulaba rey de Marruecos, Fez y Sus^[1].

In 1610, Muley Xeque styled himself king of Morocco, Fez and Sus^[1].

En 1637, Muley Muhamad el Çex, se decía emperador de Marruecos, rey de Fez, Sus, Dará, Tafilete, "con sus reinos de Guinea", Gago, Tumbuctú, las provincias de Haha o Haxa, Duquela o Ducala y Tamizna o Misna.

In 1637, Muley Muhamad el Çex called himself emperor of Morocco, king of Fez, Sus, Dará, Tafilete, "with his kingdoms of Guinea", Gago, Tumbuctú, the provinces of Haha or Haxa, Duquela or Ducala and Tamizna or Misna.

Dos años más tarde, estaban "a su obediencia real... los polos del Poniente", habiéndose "humillado a su mando... nuestros vasallos de los polos de la morisma", con los "poderosos reyes de la Guinea y sus polos lexanos y cercanos"^[2].

Two years later, "at his royal obedience... the polos (cities) of the West" stood, "our vassals of the polos of the morisma (Moorish community)" having "humbled themselves to his command", together with the "powerful kings of Guinea and its polos, far and near"^[2].

En 1640, "se omillaron a su bendición, los poderosos reyes de la Guinea, de polo a polo"^[3].

In 1640, "the powerful kings of Guinea, from polo to polo, humbled themselves to his blessing"^[3].

El único continente, que corre del Artico al Antártico, es el americano.

The only continent that runs from the Arctic to the Antarctic is the American one.

El rey de Portugal lo era de "aquende y allende la mar en Africa", señor "da Guinee", "da conquista, navegaçao e comercio de Etiopía, Arabia, Persya e la India"^[4] y de los Algarbes, siendo el hijo de Juan III, el primero que se tituló Príncipe de Brasil.

The king of Portugal was king of "aquende y allende la mar en Africa" (on this side and beyond the sea in Africa), lord "da Guinee", "da conquista, navegaçao e comercio de Etiopía, Arabia, Persya e la India" (of the conquest, navigation and trade of Ethiopia, Arabia, Persia and India)^[4] and of the Algarves, the son of John III being the first to style himself Prince of Brazil.

Los Católicos fueron reyes de las Islas Canarias, Islas de Indias, sus posesiones en Africa y Tierra Firme.

The Catholic Monarchs were kings of the Canary Islands, the Islands of the Indies, their possessions in Africa and the Mainland.

Y Felipe II de las Islas de Canaria, las Indias Orientales y Occidentales, Islas y Tierra Firme del Mar Océano.

And Philip II of the Islands of Canaria, the East and West Indies, Islands and Mainland of the Ocean Sea.

Superpuestos los poderes, mezclados los seguidores de diferentes religiones, no es fácil delimitar el territorio controlado por el Xerife, ni la ubicación de musulmanes, judíos, adoradores del sol, animistas y cristianos, más o menos heterodoxos y originales.

With powers superimposed and the followers of different religions intermingled, it is not easy to delimit the territory controlled by the Sharif, nor the location of Muslims, Jews, sun-worshippers, animists and Christians, more or less heterodox and idiosyncratic.

Libres los vasallos de monarca islámico y del rey de Portugal, de creer cómo les daba la gana, en Canarias y las Indias de Castilla, el bautismo se impuso por el chantaje.

The vassals of the Islamic monarch and of the king of Portugal being free to believe as they pleased, in the Canaries and the Indies of Castile baptism was imposed through blackmail.

Si no libraba al sujeto de la encomienda y la mita, le puso a resguardo de la esclavitud.

If it did not free the subject from the encomienda and the mita, it placed him beyond the reach of slavery.

Converso fácil el animista, no debió serlo tanto el musulmán.

The animist was an easy convert; the Muslim must not have been so easy.

De no tener amplia población islámica, Carlos V se hubiese ahorrado la cédula de 1540, prohibiendo reducir a cautiverio a los seguidores de Mahoma, que hubiesen dado vasallaje a rey cristiano.

Had he not had a large Islamic population, Charles V would have spared himself the decree of 1540, forbidding the reduction to captivity of the followers of Mohammed who had sworn vassalage to a Christian king.

En tiempo del Emperador, se admitió esta presencia, sin caer en que ponía en entredicho la "Intecaetera", de 1493, soportando la Iglesia que el Corán, hubiese penetrado en la gran isla americana, antes que el Evangelio.

In the Emperor's time, this presence was admitted, without anyone realizing that it called into question the "Intecaetera" of 1493, the Church enduring that the Koran had penetrated the great American island before the Gospel.

Pero descubierta la fuerza de la propaganda, en el curso de la lucha contra las diferentes formas de protestantismo, tanto la Iglesia como las testas coronadas implicadas, acordaron erradicar el pasado del continente, disolviendo en una nada insondable, la historia que precedió al descubrimiento.

But once the power of propaganda was discovered, in the course of the struggle against the different forms of Protestantism, both the Church and the crowned heads involved agreed to eradicate the continent's past, dissolving into an unfathomable nothingness the history that preceded the discovery.

Destruidas las muestras de las culturas autóctonas, en cuanto fue materialmente posible, se impuso el paradigma, pasando desapercibidas afinidades del arcaico americano, con el de Oriente Medio, absteniéndose el arqueólogo de comparar lo americano, con las estatuillas de Mari o el Egeo.

Once the remains of the autochthonous cultures had been destroyed, insofar as it was materially possible, the paradigm was imposed, the affinities of the American archaic with that of the Middle East passing unnoticed, the archaeologist refraining from comparing American work with the statuettes of Mari or of the Aegean.

Si el consciente del investigador no detecta las formas de un Buda rechoncho, de rasgos orientales, en figura olmeca, o la gravedad atenta del Escriba, en cabeza azteca, se debe a que el subconsciente ha sido informado, de que antes de 1492, los pueblos de los tres continentes, conectados por tierra, ignoraban la existencia de la gran isla americana.

If the researcher's conscious mind does not detect the forms of a chubby Buddha, with oriental features, in an Olmec figure, or the attentive gravity of the Scribe in an Aztec head, it is because the subconscious has been informed that, before 1492, the peoples of the three continents, connected by land, were unaware of the existence of the great American island.

No cayó en el absurdo Maquiavelo.

Machiavelli did not fall into the absurdity.

Con naturalidad, nos dice que terminada la conquista de Granada, el Católico emprendió la de "Africa", porque así se llamaba el escenario de la conquista de Alonso Fernández de Lugo y del "descubrimiento" de Colón.

With complete naturalness, he tells us that, once the conquest of Granada was finished, the Catholic Monarch undertook that of "Africa", for that was the name of the setting of the conquest of Alonso Fernández de Lugo and of the "discovery" of Columbus.

Demasiado inteligente para asimilar la patraña colombina, pero sin pruebas documentales a la mano, Voltaire avanzó por complicado laberinto intelectual, hasta descubrir la mecánica, que aplica el ortodoxo castellano, para adaptar la realidad a su conveniencia, demostrando que el pretendido descubrimiento, era racionalmente imposible.

Too intelligent to swallow the Columbine hoax, but with no documentary proof at hand, Voltaire advanced through a complicated intellectual labyrinth until he discovered the mechanism that the Castilian orthodox applies to adapt reality to his convenience, demonstrating that the alleged discovery was rationally impossible.

Pero al ser el español obstinado y enemigo del análisis crítico, pues le deformó la teocracia, impuso su ideal, destruyendo pruebas de lo real, fiando en la cortedad de la memoria colectiva.

But since the Spaniard is obstinate and an enemy of critical analysis, deformed as he was by theocracy, he imposed his ideal, destroying the proofs of what was real, trusting in the shortness of collective memory.

No se equivocó.

He was not mistaken.

El paso por la historia de una autoridad, implacable y censora, fue suficiente para que mudados los topónimos, el nieto olvidase lo que supo el abuelo.

The passage through history of an implacable and censorious authority was enough for the grandson, the place-names having been changed, to forget what the grandfather had known.

Y se omitió que E

And it was omitted that i

en América, como en el "viejo mundo", naciones y topónimos se superpusieron sobre un mismo territorio, desde mucho antes de que apareciesen los conquistadores.

n America, as in the "old world", nations and place-names were superimposed on one and the same territory, long before the conquistadors appeared.

Sabemos que las Fortunadas no fueron las Hespérides, porque Ulises navegó 30 días, entre los dos archipiélagos.

We know that the Fortunate Isles were not the Hesperides, because Ulysses sailed 30 days between the two archipelagos.

Pero se nos hace cuesta arriba admitir que Cartago y Mauritania, nacieron de la muerte de Tharsis.

But we find it an uphill task to admit that Carthage and Mauritania were born from the death of Tharsis.

O aceptar que en las antípodas de las Molucás, había una Etiopía, que fue Guinea, llamada Tierra de Negros, por serlo los naturales, como en la otra costa.

Or to accept that at the antipodes of the Moluccas there was an Ethiopia, which was Guinea, called Land of the Blacks because its natives were black, as on the other coast.

Y Berbería, porque dominó el Islam.

And Barbary, because Islam dominated.

Conocidas por Asia e Islas de Indias las regiones donde imperaron las razas, de color "loro" o cocho, las partes o quizá el todo, para algunos o en algún momento, se llamaron Canarias y Madeira, surgiendo más tarde, por razones de geografía política, el topónimo Cabo Verde, con sus Islas.

The regions where the races of "loro" (parrot-green) or cocho hue held sway being known as Asia and Islands of the Indies, parts of them, or perhaps the whole, for some or at some moment, were called Canarias and Madeira, the place-name Cape Verde, with its Islands, arising later, for reasons of political geography.

Como todos los pueblos, los americanos estuvieron sometidos a reyes, caudillos y señores, autóctonos o extranjeros. Colón práctico el "rescate", a imitación de cuantos pasaron por Indias y Canarias, percibiendo los reyes de Castilla y Portugal parias y quintos, como el Xarife.

Like all peoples, the Americans were subject to kings, chieftains and lords, native or foreign. Columbus practised the "rescate" (barter), in imitation of all who had passed through the Indies and the Canaries, the kings of Castile and Portugal collecting parias (tributes) and quintos (royal fifths), like the Sharif.

San Borondón, el monje irlandés que cruzó el mar, para visitar el reino de las Siete Ciudades, contó su periplo.

San Borondón, the Irish monk who crossed the sea to visit the kingdom of the Seven Cities, recounted his periplus.

Los lectores postcolombinos, lo interpretaron como descripción mística del paraíso.

Post-Columbian readers interpreted it as a mystical description of paradise.

A consecuencia, normandos y otros viajeros, que siguieron sus pasos, fueron remitidos, por la historia, a la costa frontera, que hoy llamamos Guinea.

As a consequence, the Normans and other travellers who followed in his footsteps were consigned by history to the opposite coast, the one we now call Guinea.

De sus armadas conservamos recuerdos dispersos.

Of their fleets we retain scattered memories.

Hay noticia de la que zarpó de Dieppe, con dos navíos, en 1365.

There is record of the one that set sail from Dieppe, with two ships, in 1365.

Tocó en Cabo Verde, siguiendo a Petit Dieppe.

It called at Cape Verde, continuing on to Petit Dieppe.

Fue el uno a la Costa de la Manegueta, en busca de guindilla y el otro a Santo Tomé y "Minas", acopiando oro y marfil.

One went to the Malagueta Coast, in search of pepper, and the other to Santo Tomé and "Minas", taking aboard gold and ivory.

La de 1374, salió en noviembre.

The fleet of 1374 left in November.

Hicieron aguaje en Canarias, arribando en Navidad a Cabo Verde.

They took on water in the Canaries, arriving at Cape Verde at Christmas.

Continuaron por la Costa de la Manegueta, hasta Río Fresco^[5], adjudicándose la fundación de factoría en Petit Dieppe.

They continued along the Malagueta Coast as far as Río Fresco^[5], claiming for themselves the founding of the factory at Petit Dieppe.

Completaron la carga, en la Guinea "del oro".

They completed their cargo in the Guinea "of gold".

La de 1382, llevó cuatro navíos.

The fleet of 1382 carried four ships.

Separándose en Cabo Verde, el San Nicolás rescató en Cabo Corso^[6] y Mouré, "encima" de la Mina; el Esperanza en Fantín, Sabú y Cometín, alcanzando "mina" rica en oro.

Separating at Cape Verde, the San Nicolás traded at Cabo Corso^[6] and Mouré, "above" the Mine; the Esperanza at Fantín, Sabú and Cometín, reaching a "mine" rich in gold.

A su regreso, tras 10 meses de navegación, el consejo de la ciudad acordó fundar factoría, mandando armada en 1383, con materiales de construcción, herramientas y albañiles, que hicieron torre en Akkara, dejando guarnición de 10 a 12 hombres.

On their return, after 10 months of sailing, the city council agreed to found a factory, sending a fleet in 1383 with building materials, tools and masons, who raised a tower at Akkara, leaving a garrison of 10 to 12 men.

A su sombra surgió aldea, dotada de iglesia.

In its shadow a village sprang up, endowed with a church.

Los normandos recorrieron la costa de Africa Occidental, de Cabo Lope a Cabo Frío^[7], llegando a los "confines" de Mauritania, centro comercial del mundo islámico.

The Normans covered the coast of West Africa, from Cabo Lope to Cabo Frío^[7], reaching the "confines" of Mauritania, the commercial centre of the Islamic world.

Se dice que a imitación de los vikingos, fueron desalojados por la peste.

It is said that, in imitation of the Vikings, they were driven out by the plague.

Pero puede que les afectase el abandono, efecto de las guerras de Carlos VI y el avance portugués. Francia conservó Nueva Francia, repartiéndose Bacalaos con Nueva Anglia y Nueva Suecia.

But they may also have been affected by the abandonment, an effect of the wars of Charles VI, and by the Portuguese advance. France kept New France, sharing Bacalaos with New Anglia and New Sweden.

Según Hurtado de Mendoza, geógrafo del siglo XVII, la costa se llamó "Mediterránea", por ser la más próxima a Europa.

According to Hurtado de Mendoza, a seventeenth-century geographer, the coast was called "Mediterranean", because it was the closest to Europe.

Escarmentado Juan I, tras el patinazo de 1411, conquistó Ceuta en 1415.

Chastened by the blunder of 1411, John I conquered Ceuta in 1415.

Cabeza eclesiástica de la diócesis de Marruecos, bajo los godos^[8], la posesión le dio fuerza moral.

The ecclesiastical head of the diocese of Morocco under the Goths^[8], its possession gave him moral strength.

En 1416, los Caballeros de Cristo rebasaron las Canarias, arribando al Cabo de Naam.

In 1416, the Knights of Christ passed beyond the Canaries, arriving at Cape Naam.

Dos años después Martín V, papa único tras prolongada bicefalia eclesiástica, concedió a Portugal cruzada en un reino de Fez, que tuvo su frontera oriental en Melilla y la occidental en Cabo de Bojador, comprendiendo el reino de Meça.

Two years later Martin V, sole pope after a prolonged ecclesiastical bicephaly, granted Portugal a crusade in a kingdom of Fez whose eastern frontier lay at Melilla and its western at Cape Bojador, comprising the kingdom of Meça.

"Descubiertas" las islas de Madeira en 1418^[9], el Pontífice concedió cruzada en el reino al portugués, procediendo al reparto de 1430.

The islands of Madeira having been "discovered" in 1418^[9], the Pontiff granted the Portuguese a crusade in that kingdom, proceeding to the partition of 1430.

Investido Juan I como soberano de la conquista de Fez, las Canarias quedaron a Castilla.

John I having been invested as sovereign of the conquest of Fez, the Canaries fell to Castile.

Descubiertas oficialmente las Azores por Gonzalo Velho, en 1431, doblado el Cabo Naam por Gomes Pireis, en 1434, las islas fueron adjudicadas a Portugal en 1435^[10].

The Azores having been officially discovered by Gonzalo Velho in 1431, and Cape Naam doubled by Gomes Pireis in 1434, the islands were awarded to Portugal in 1435^[10].

En 1436, el papa Eugenio IV, cansado de las quejas de Juan II de Castilla, devolvió a Portugal las Canarias, cuyos naturales no hubiesen sido convertidos.

In 1436, Pope Eugene IV, weary of the complaints of John II of Castile, returned to Portugal those Canaries whose natives had not been converted.

Partida Palma por el Cabo de Bojador, el sur portugués se llamó San Miguel, siendo incluido, alternativamente, en las islas de Madeira y Cabo Verde e incluso en la Tercera.

La Palma having been left behind at Cape Bojador, the Portuguese south was called San Miguel, being included, alternately, among the islands of Madeira and Cape Verde and even in Terceira.

Era Madeira centro de mercaderes, que "descubrían" a Poniente y escala de los barcos de Lisboa, camino de Cabo Blanco y Río de Oro^[11].

Madeira was a centre of merchants who "discovered" to the west, and a port of call for the ships of Lisbon on the way to Cabo Blanco and Río de Oro^[11].

En 1441, Antâo Gonsalvez navegó a Poniente, en busca de negros y lobos marinos.

In 1441, Antâo Gonsalvez sailed westward, in search of blacks and sea wolves.

Tocando en el Puerto de la Galea, costa de alárabes, mandó esclavo de esta raza, embarcado como interprete de "morisco", a negociar la compra.

Calling at the Puerto de la Galea, a coast of alárabes, he sent a slave of that race, embarked as an interpreter of "morisco", to negotiate the purchase.

Al no poder entenderse con los naturales, porque hablaban "azanegue", los portugueses concluyeron la operación por las bravas, capturando alárabes.

Unable to make themselves understood by the natives, because these spoke "azanegue", the Portuguese concluded the operation by force, capturing alárabes.

En el lote cayó Adahu, hombre viajado, que dominaba el árabe.

In the batch fell Adahu, a travelled man who commanded Arabic.

Con las presas a bordo, mandaron al

With the captives on board, they sent the

esclavo - interprete, para tratar del rescate.

slave-interpreter to treat of the barter.

Regresó en calidad de prisionero, rodeado de 150 moros, 35 montados, a caballo o camello.

He returned as a prisoner, surrounded by 150 Moors, 35 of them mounted, on horse or camel.

Excesivos para entablar pelea, Gonsalves salió a la mar, no parando hasta Lagos.

Too many to engage in battle, Gonsalves put out to sea, not stopping until Lagos.

Presentado al infante D. Enrique, Adahu prometió 5 o 6 moros negros, por azanegue, si les devolvían a la patria.

Presented to the Infante Dom Henry, Adahu promised 5 or 6 black Moors for each azanegue, if they were returned to their homeland.

Ventajoso el trato, el Infante les remetió en carabela.

The bargain being advantageous, the Infante sent them back in a caravel.

Guiados por Adahu, los portugueses remontaron un río 4 leguas, ancorando a la espera de interlocutor.

Guided by Adahu, the Portuguese went 4 leagues up a river, anchoring while they waited for someone to parley with.

Pasados 7 días sin que asomase bicho viviente, se preparaban a levar anclas, cuando apareció montado en camello blanco, seguido de cien moros y moriscos de a pie.

After 7 days without a living creature appearing, they were preparing to weigh anchor when he appeared mounted on a white camel, followed by a hundred Moors and moriscos on foot.

Martín Fernández, alfaqueque del Infante, que hablaba azanegue, consiguió 5 negros por alárabe, con regalo suplementario de huevos de avestruz y polvo de oro^[12].

Martín Fernández, the Infante's alfaqueque (ransom broker), who spoke azanegue, obtained 5 blacks per alárabe, with a supplementary gift of ostrich eggs and gold dust^[12].

Entretanto López de Almeida y un compañero, desembarcaron en Angra de Caballos.

Meanwhile López de Almeida and a companion disembarked at Angra de Caballos.

Bajando el istmo por tierra, amparados por las carabelas, pelearon a los nueve días con 22 naturales.

Going down the isthmus by land, under the protection of the caravels, they fought nine days later with 22 natives.

En la jornada 21 dieron en Río de Oro, estando entre Cabo Bojador y la Tierra Alta^[13].

On the twenty-first day they came upon Río de Oro, which lies between Cape Bojador and the Tierra Alta (High Land)^[13].

Conquista de Castilla la Tierra Alta, se menciona en dos albalas, otorgadas por Enrique IV, en 1463, año de cambio de dinastía en Marruecos, pues cayeron los Benimerines.

The Tierra Alta was a conquest of Castile; it is mentioned in two albalás (royal warrants), granted by Henry IV in 1463, the year of a change of dynasty in Morocco, for the Benimerines fell.

En la primera, de 10 de enero, declara el rey que cuanto había entre los cabos de Ajer y Bojador, con "dos ríos" y la Mar Pequeña, al "ser de mi conquista pertenece a mí e a la corona real de mis reinos", recordando que Diego de Herrera, "cuyas son las islas de Canaria", tomó posesión "en mi nombre", de "todas las dichas tierras e ríos e pesquerías"^[14], acto que parece haber tenido lugar en 1461, sin duda por haber muerto Enrique el Navegante en 1460, al que respondió Alfonso V de Portugal, reforzando el castillo de Arguim, que estaba caído.

In the first, of 10 January, the king declares that all that lay between the capes of Ajer and Bojador, with "two rivers" and the Mar Pequeña, since it "is of my conquest, belongs to me and to the royal crown of my kingdoms", recalling that Diego de Herrera, "whose are the islands of Canaria", took possession "in my name" of "all the said lands and rivers and fisheries"^[14], an act that seems to have taken place in 1461, no doubt because Henry the Navigator had died in 1460, to which Afonso V of Portugal responded by reinforcing the castle of Arguim, which had fallen into ruin.

En la historia de Marruecos, se consigna la toma de posesión, por Herrera, de Tedler y Guardar, provincias de este reino, suponiendo que la hizo en nombre propio.

In the history of Morocco, the taking of possession by Herrera of Tedler and Guardar, provinces of that kingdom, is recorded, it being assumed that he did so in his own name.

Los historiadores españoles, deseando olvidar, extrapolan el acto a la Gran Canaria castellana, mutando los territorios en príncipes rivales.

Spanish historians, wishing to forget, extrapolate the act to Castilian Gran Canaria, transmuting the territories into rival princes.

Al no haberse producido la estampida de pescadores, mercaderes, señores y otros intrusos, que deseaba el rey, determinó acogerse a la eficacia de la iniciativa privada, concediendo el predio, en señorío y proindiviso, a Diego de Herrera y Gonzalo Saavedra^[15], ambos informados, el uno por residir en Canarias y el otro por tener Tarifa, puerto de pescadores y mercaderes, que frecuentaban el poniente Atlántico.

Since the stampede of fishermen, merchants, lords and other intruders that the king desired had not occurred, he decided to avail himself of the efficacy of private initiative, granting the estate, in lordship and proindiviso (joint undivided tenure), to Diego de Herrera and Gonzalo Saavedra^[15], both well informed, the one because he resided in the Canaries and the other because he held Tarifa, a port of fishermen and merchants who frequented the Atlantic west.

Pero al presuponer el monarca, que las tierras comprendidas en la concesión, eran las que "asy a la parte de las dichas yslas de Canarias, se han descubierto"^[16], los interpelados mandaron a los flamantes señores a otra parte, por ser imposible declarar recién descubierto, lo sobradamente pateado.

But as the monarch presumed that the lands comprised in the grant were those that "asy a la parte de las dichas yslas de Canarias, se han descubierto" (have thus been discovered towards the said islands of Canaria)^[16], those concerned sent the brand-new lords elsewhere, it being impossible to declare newly discovered what had been trodden more than enough.

Sin solución Herrera y Saavedra, fueron en busca del rey, encontrándole en Lirín, a consecuencia de entrada en Navarra, en el marco de la guerra con Aragón, iniciada a principios de año.

Finding no solution, Herrera and Saavedra went in search of the king, finding him at Lirín, following an incursion into Navarre within the framework of the war with Aragon, begun at the beginning of the year.

En la villa y a 10 de agosto, reparó el error, mintiendo como sabe hacerlo quien puede castigar, por delito de lesa majestad, al que le contradiga.

In that town, on 10 August, he repaired the error, lying as only one who can punish anyone who contradicts him with the crime of lèse-majesté knows how to do.

Diciendo reproducir la albalá anterior, "de palabra a palabra", omitió toda alusión a "descubrimiento", para echar mano del "propio motu, cierta ciencia y poderío real absoluto", fórmula que ponía la palabra del rey, sobre todas las leyes, dando a Herrera y Saavedra la facultad de cerrar tierras y mares.

Claiming to reproduce the earlier albalá "word for word", he omitted all allusion to "discovery", in order to lay hold of the "propio motu, cierta ciencia y poderío real absoluto" (own motion, certain knowledge and absolute royal power), the formula that placed the king's word above all laws, giving Herrera and Saavedra the faculty of closing off lands and seas.

Podrían expulsar, por la fuerza, al intruso, juzgando, sentenciando y ejecutando las penas, sin apelación, incluidas las de muerte y destierro, en cuantos se opusiesen a su voluntad.

They could expel the intruder by force, judging, sentencing and executing the penalties, without appeal, including those of death and banishment, upon all who opposed their will.

Admitida la presencia de comendadores y subcomendadores de órdenes militares, propietarios de "castillos y casas fuertes o llanas"; de particulares, dueños de bienes inmuebles, por compra o concesión, señores locales, pescadores, mercaderes, tratantes y cuantos "andan por los mares de mis reinos", a más de desposeerlos, como al Almirante, les ordenó colaborar con los señores, en la posesión del predio, como a los justicias del reino, en especial los de Canarias.

The presence of commanders and sub-commanders of the military orders, owners of "castles and houses, fortified or unfortified", being admitted; of private individuals, owners of real estate by purchase or grant, local lords, fishermen, merchants, traders and all those who "go about the seas of my kingdoms", besides dispossessing them, as he did the Admiral, he ordered them to collaborate with the lords in the possession of the estate, as he ordered the magistrates of the kingdom, especially those of the Canaries.

Conveniente identificarlo, en las nuevas circunstancias, el rey incluyó accidentes geográficos, no mencionados en enero.

It being convenient to identify it under the new circumstances, the king included geographical features not mentioned in January.

Señalando abundancia de "ríos", "playas", "islas" y "puertos", nombró el de Mogodor, junto al Cabo de Ajer o Aguer^[17], límite del señorío.

Noting an abundance of "rivers", "beaches", "islands" and "ports", he named that of Mogodor, next to the Cabo de Ajer or Aguer^[17], the limit of the lordship.

La concesión implicaba el segundo despojo de Juan de Guzmán, en menos de 12 meses.

The grant implied the second dispossession of Juan de Guzmán in less than 12 months.

En las crónicas aparece conquista de Gibraltar detallada, porque se extrapola, de 1456 a 1462.

In the chronicles the conquest of Gibraltar appears in detail, because it is extrapolated from 1456 to 1462.

En la de

In that of

Miguel Lucas de Iranzo, olvidada por los correctores de la historia, se cuenta que en 1456, tras correr Granada, despedida la hueste en Estepona, Enrique IV salió de tierra de moros por la costa, con un puñado de caballeros.

Miguel Lucas de Iranzo, forgotten by the correctors of history, it is recounted that in 1456, after raiding Granada, the host having been dismissed at Estepona, Henry IV left the land of the Moors by way of the coast, with a handful of knights.

Informado de estar indefensa Gibraltar, ocupó el caserío.

Informed that Gibraltar was undefended, he occupied the township.

Habiéndose encerrado los vecinos en la fortaleza, mandaron emisarios, con recado de que "se darían" a Juan de Guzmán "y no a otro...

The townsmen having shut themselves up in the fortress, they sent emissaries with the message that they would "give themselves up" to Juan de Guzmán "and to no other...

Y desta manera se ganó"^[18].

And in this manner it was won"^[18].

El "Memorial de diversas hazañas", de Diego de Valera, calla la entrega de la plaza, pero lleva a Enrique IV a Gibraltar.

The "Memorial de diversas hazañas" of Diego de Valera keeps silent about the surrender of the place, but it does take Henry IV to Gibraltar.

El alcaide Aben Comixa, le recibió con presentes y cortejo de caballeros, permitiéndole pasearpor murallas y defensas, en alarde de imprudencia.

The alcaide Aben Comixa received him with presents and an escort of knights, allowing him to stroll along walls and defences, in a display of imprudence.

Más cauto el Trastamara, se alojó en la torre de Cartagena, que estaba extramuros, donde le visitó el Conde Oudemira, capitán de Ceuta.

More cautious, the Trastámara lodged in the tower of Cartagena, which lay outside the walls, where he was visited by Count Oudemira, captain of Ceuta.

Invitado a visitar la plaza, el monarca quiso ir "más allende, por ver el reino de Fez".

Invited to visit the fortress, the monarch wished to go "further beyond, to see the kingdom of Fez".

Prácticos en la travesía, Gonzalo de Saavedra y Juan Fernández Galindo se opusieron, pues un rey sin descendencia no debía exponerse a tan "gran peligro", porque "la vía del mar era dudosa" y cambiante, lo que no hubiesen aducido, de estar la costa de Fez al otro lado del estrecho, pues bastaba asomarse a la mar, para verificar su estado.

Practised in the crossing, Gonzalo de Saavedra and Juan Fernández Galindo objected, for a king without offspring should not expose himself to such "great danger", because "the way of the sea was doubtful" and changeable — which they would not have adduced had the coast of Fez lain on the other side of the strait, for it would have sufficed to look out at the sea to verify its state.

Tozudo el Trastamara, navegó en el mejor barco de Oudemira, no pudiendo "correr monte de leones" en destino, porque los moros se presentaron de cabalgada, ante los muros de la plaza.

The Trastámara being stubborn, he sailed in Oudemira's best ship, being unable to "hunt the hill of lions" at his destination, because the Moors presented themselves in a mounted raid before the walls of the place.

Al regreso se hizo preceder de barco de avisos, ordenando a Gonzalo de Saavedra aguardarle en Tarifa, donde se proponía desembarcar.

On the return he had himself preceded by a dispatch boat, ordering Gonzalo de Saavedra to wait for him at Tarifa, where he intended to disembark.

Imposible prever el tiempo atmosférico, a larga distancia, Enrique IV arribó con mala mar.

It being impossible to foresee the weather at long distance, Henry IV arrived in rough seas.

Entregada la alcaidía de Tarifa a Saavedra, en detrimento del Almirante Fadrique Enríquez, propietario de la villa, siguió hacia Sevilla^[19].

The alcaidía (governorship) of Tarifa having been handed to Saavedra, to the detriment of the Admiral Fadrique Enríquez, owner of the town, he continued towards Seville^[19].

Señor de Gibraltar el duque de Medina, por derecho propio, pues se lo dieron los moros, Enrique IV quiso incorporarla a su corona, en 1462.

The duke of Medina being lord of Gibraltar in his own right, since the Moors had given it to him, Henry IV wished to incorporate it into his crown in 1462.

Cedió el Guzmán, a condición de que no fuese otorgado en señorío.

The Guzmán yielded, on condition that it not be granted away in lordship.

Molesto por la intervención de Herrera y Saavedra en su conquista, Alfonso V se quejó al rey de Castilla.

Annoyed by the intervention of Herrera and Saavedra in his conquest, Afonso V complained to the king of Castile.

Fijada la entrevista en Gibraltar.

The interview was fixed at Gibraltar.

En 1463, el Trastamara pasó de Sevilla a la plaza, atravesando el portugués desde Ceuta.

In 1463, the Trastámara crossed from Seville to the fortress town, the Portuguese crossing over from Ceuta.

Concertado matrimonio de Juana, heredera de Castilla, con el Príncipe de Portugal y de la infante Isabel, con el rey viudo, quedó solventado el problema.

A marriage having been arranged between Joan, heiress of Castile, and the Prince of Portugal, and between the Infanta Isabella and the widowed king, the problem was settled.

Aprovechando la estancia, Enrique IV dio Gibraltar a su favorito, Beltrán de la Cueva, haciendo comprender al duque de Medina, que su desgracia era irreversible.

Taking advantage of the stay, Henry IV gave Gibraltar to his favourite, Beltrán de la Cueva, making the duke of Medina understand that his disgrace was irreversible.

Dispuesto a recuperar las "Islas del Cabo de Aguer", por vía tan ilegal, como la utilizada por el monarca, para apropiárselas, pero más contundente, hecho testamento traspasó bienes y estados al hijo, con reserva discreta de usufructo vitalicio.

Determined to recover the "Islands of the Cape of Aguer" by a means as illegal as the one the monarch had used to appropriate them, but more forceful, he made his will and transferred his goods and estates to his son, with discreet reserve of lifelong usufruct.

En el otoño, pertrechado de préstamo, concedido por sus vasallos andaluces, que le permitió levantar hueste, se dio por muerto, por no pagar las consecuencias de sus actos.

In the autumn, furnished with a loan granted by his Andalusian vassals, which allowed him to raise a host, he had himself reported dead, so as not to pay the consequences of his acts.

Mal recibidos Herrera y Saavedra por el Almirante de Castilla, privado por la concesión enriqueña, de quintos sustanciosos y otros ingresos, procedentes de la tierra, que le permitían adquirir la herramienta de guerra y cobrar sus emolumentos, peor considerados por la pléyade de propietarios, mercaderes y pescadores a expulsar, al ser hostigados por los naturales, que azuzó el Guzmán, declararon la tierra "peligrosa de moros", admitiendo que "pertenece más a vos el dicho señor Duque, por ser como soys gran señor, para lo poder defender e conquistar, que no a nosotros, que no lo podemos asy faser"^[20].

Ill received by the Admiral of Castile, deprived by Henry's grant of substantial fifths and other revenues proceeding from the land, which allowed him to acquire the tools of war and collect his emoluments, and worse regarded by the pleiad of owners, merchants and fishermen to be expelled, when they were harassed by the natives, whom the Guzmán stirred up, Herrera and Saavedra declared the land "perilous with Moors", admitting that "it belongs more to you, the said lord Duke, being as you are a great lord, to be able to defend and conquer it, than to us, who cannot do so"^[20].

Reforzado el argumento con cuento y medio de maravedís, entregados por Gómez de León, en nombre de Enrique de Guzmán, a título de indemnización, Herrera y Saavedra aceptaron renunciar al regalo, sin más condición que la de ser provistos de documento, que les pusiese al amparo de la real cólera, al tener la merced por fin, sacar de su señorío a los Guzmanes.

The argument having been reinforced with a cuento and a half of maravedís, handed over by Gómez de León in the name of Enrique de Guzmán by way of indemnity, Herrera and Saavedra agreed to renounce the gift, with no further condition than that of being furnished with a document that would shelter them from the royal wrath, since the mercy had as its ultimate purpose to remove the Guzmans from their lordship.

No habiéndolo, pues lo otorgaron xeques y vasallos locales, por ser de behetría, se acudió a falsificador, por cierto mediocre, que confeccionó albalá de Juan II, haciendo la misma concesión al duque D. Juan.

There being none, since xeques (sharifs) and local vassals had granted it, the land being de behetría (free to choose its lord), recourse was had to a forger, a mediocre one at that, who drew up an albalá of John II making the same grant to the duke Don Juan.

Esgrimiéndolo, Herrera y Saavedra pudieron aducir temor a "pendencia" jurídica: "vos el dicho señor duque nos contradezís, disiendo quel dicho señor rey don Juan, de gloriosa memoria, fiso primero merced de la dicha tierra e mar al señor duque don Juan, vuestro padre, que santa gloria aya, de que mostrasteys una cédula, firmada del señor Rey don Juan".

Brandishing it, Herrera and Saavedra could plead fear of a legal "pendencia" (dispute): "you, the said lord duke, contradict us, saying that the said lord king Don Juan, of glorious memory, first made mercy of the said land and sea to the lord duke Don Juan, your father, may he rest in holy glory, of which you showed a cédula, signed by the lord King Don Juan".

Y añadieron que Enrique IV "non nos fisiera la dicha merced y donación", de haber tenido noticia.

And they added that Henry IV "would not have made us the said mercy and donation", had he had notice of it.

La cesión de lo

The cession of what

contenido en las albalas de 1463, cuyo original se conserva, fue firmada a 16 de febrero de 1464, por Pedro Vasques de Sayavedra, alcaide de Tarifa, hijo de Gonzalo, casado con hija de Diego, estando presentes padre y suegro y ausente el de Medina, representado por Gómez de León^[21].

is contained in the albalás of 1463, whose original is preserved, was signed on 16 February 1464 by Pedro Vasques de Sayavedra, alcaide of Tarifa, son of Gonzalo, married to a daughter of Diego, father and father-in-law being present and the duke of Medina absent, represented by Gómez de León^[21].

Falto de espacio el archivero, incluyó el privilegio de Juan II, fechado en 1449, en el "inventario viejo" del archivo, tras las albalas de 1463.

Short of space, the archivist included the privilege of John II, dated 1449, in the "old inventory" of the archive, after the albalás of 1463.

Al tanto de interioridades, comentó el concierto de las "yslas del Cabo de Aguer", dando por vivo al difunto: el duque D. Juan "quedó con ellas"^[22].

Privy to inside matters, he commented on the arrangement concerning the "yslas del Cabo de Aguer", treating the deceased as alive: the duke Don Juan "quedó con ellas" (kept them)^[22].

Hizo posible la trapisonda, el haber sido el primer duque señor de las "Islas", quizá por herencia.

What made the swindle possible was the first duke's having been lord of the "Islands", perhaps by inheritance.

Es probable que pusiese a Juan II en relación con su señorío, en torno a 1449, siendo indicio el oro, que apareció en los reales documentos, aunque quizá procediese de las Canarias, propiamente dichas.

It is probable that he brought John II into relation with his lordship around 1449, an indication being the gold that appeared in the royal documents, although perhaps it came from the Canaries properly so called.

Sea como quiera hubo reacción de Alfonso V, pues precisamente en 1449, concedió el comercio de Canarea e do Cabo do Bojador", desde Cabo Cantim, a Enrique el Navegante^[23].

Be that as it may, there was a reaction from Afonso V, for precisely in 1449 he granted the trade of "Canarea e do Cabo do Bojador", from Cape Cantim, to Henry the Navigator^[23].

De no aparecer nuevas pruebas, será difícil determinar cuál fue el primer Guzmán, señor en el Cabo de Aguer.

Should no new proofs appear, it will be difficult to determine which was the first Guzmán to be lord at the Cape of Aguer.

En albalá de 1288, otorgada por Sancho IV, que se conserva en el convento de Santa Inés de Sevilla, Alonso Pérez de Guzmán aparece como "vasallo" del rey.

In an albalá of 1288, granted by Sancho IV and preserved in the convent of Santa Inés in Seville, Alonso Pérez de Guzmán appears as "vasallo" (vassal) of the king.

Basta repasar relación de confirmantes, en cualquier privilegio del reinado, para observar que el tratamiento quedaba reservado al extranjero, que dio vasallaje al rey de Castilla.

It suffices to review the list of confirmants in any privilege of the reign to observe that this form of address was reserved for the foreigner who had sworn vassalage to the king of Castile.

Autorizándole a llevar pan terciado "a Allén Mar, do él es", hace clara referencia al lugar de origen del beneficiario.

Authorizing him to carry pan terciado (tribute bread) "a Allén Mar, do él es" (to Allén Mar, where he is from), it makes clear reference to the beneficiary's place of origin.

No siendo costumbre de hispanos, educados en la ortodoxia religiosa, confundir el "ser" transcendental, con el "estar" circunstancial, el "do él es" ha de ser entendido como indicativo de naturaleza y Allén Mar como topónimo, pues de significar "al otro lado del mar", se hubiese omitido la preposición "a".

It not being the custom of Spaniards, schooled in religious orthodoxy, to confuse the transcendental "ser" with the circumstantial "estar", the "do él es" must be understood as indicative of origin, and Allén Mar as a place-name, for had it meant "on the other side of the sea", the preposition "a" would have been omitted.

La Punta de Allende, Alinde para los portugueses, estaba en la costa del Marañón, a 1 1/3º de latitud sur, acordándose la demanda de Guzmán el Bueno, a las características de la tierra.

The Punta de Allende, Alinde for the Portuguese, lay on the coast of the Marañón, at 1 1/3º south latitude, the request of Guzmán el Bueno (the Good) agreeing with the characteristics of that land.

Al no producir el trópico trigo, cebada ni olivo, los naturales, que parecen acostumbrados a consumirlo, hubieron de procurárselos de importación.

Since the tropics produce neither wheat, barley nor the olive, the natives, who seem accustomed to consuming them, had to procure them by importation.

La afición manifestada por el héroe de Tarifa, a conseguir puertos en la costa del Algarbe; el cambió del señorío de Alcalá de Sidonia, hoy de los Gazules, por la tierra de pan de llevar y olivos de Monteagudo y la compra del Alijar, generoso en cereales, de donde habría de sacar los 300 cahíces, destinados a la patria, pudiera indicar que pasó a Castilla como agente y proveedor, del reino de Marruecos, explicando la presencia de su primogénito, junto al Infante D. Juan, que sitió Tarifa, apoyado por tropas de Abeacob, la costumbre de garantizar la fidelidad de servidores, destacados en el extranjero, reteniendo al familiar más apreciado, en calidad de rehén.

The fondness shown by the hero of Tarifa for obtaining ports on the Algarve coast; the exchange of the lordship of Alcalá de Sidonia, today of los Gazules, for the wheat-bearing land and olive groves of Monteagudo; and the purchase of the Alijar, generous in cereals, from which he was to draw the 300 cahíces destined for the homeland, might indicate that he passed into Castile as agent and purveyor of the kingdom of Morocco, the presence of his first-born beside the Infante Don Juan, who besieged Tarifa supported by the troops of Abeacob, being explained by the custom of guaranteeing the fidelity of servants posted abroad by retaining the most cherished relative as a hostage.

El nieto de este Guzmán, fue señor de una misteriosa isla de Ardiles, su bisnieto de las Islas de Canaria y el tataranieto de las Islas del Cabo de Aguer.

The grandson of this Guzmán was lord of a mysterious island of Ardiles, his great-grandson of the Islands of Canaria, and his great-great-grandson of the Islands of the Cape of Aguer.

Del hijo que heredó al fundador de la casa, sólo sabemos que nació en Marruecos y pleiteó junto con su convento de Santiponce, contra los almojarifes de Sevilla, para poder continuar sacando por mar, el aceite de la cosecha.

Of the son who succeeded the founder of the house, we know only that he was born in Morocco and litigated, together with his convent of Santiponce, against the almojarifes (customs officers) of Seville, in order to continue shipping out by sea the oil of the harvest.

Densamente pobladas las "islas del Cabo de Aguer" e inestables los topónimos, comprendían las provincias de Tedler y Guardar o Galdar, para unos en Gran Canaria, y para los de Gran Canaria, en Berbería; el puerto y provincia de Zebedique, con la de Tilit, a 8 días del puerto de Turucuco, con su tierra y la provincia de Benitemer, cuyo puerto estaba a tres días de navegación del de Galebarba, con la provincia de Caçima^[24], llamándose la tierra, por otros nombres, reinos de Meça y Azamor; Vutata, con la ciudad de Tagaoz, donde estuvo la fortaleza de Agaoz y la casa de Agadir, el puerto de Nul, el de Yfini, con su castillo, Ufrán, Tamamarte, Tagamarte, Tiçigune y Auladamar^[25], todo en el Cabo y las "Islas" de Aguer, como el puerto Gugarti y la provincia de Tufani, a ocho días del puerto de Aytudel, provincia de Cataleat, con "la Ysla e términos e cabo de Mogodor", en el "reyno de Marruecos", a más de Talgilt, Tiredi y Tetenezt^[26].

Densely populated, the "islands of the Cape of Aguer", and unstable their place-names, comprised the provinces of Tedler and Guardar or Galdar — for some in Gran Canaria, and for those of Gran Canaria, in Barbary; the port and province of Zebedique, with that of Tilit, 8 days from the port of Turucuco, with its land, and the province of Benitemer, whose port was three days' sailing from that of Galebarba, with the province of Caçima^[24], the land being called, by other names, the kingdoms of Meça and Azamor; Vutata, with the city of Tagaoz, where the fortress of Agaoz and the house of Agadir stood, the port of Nul, that of Yfini, with its castle, Ufrán, Tamamarte, Tagamarte, Tiçigune and Auladamar^[25], all in the Cape and the "Islands" of Aguer, as also the port of Gugarti and the province of Tufani, eight days from the port of Aytudel, province of Cataleat, with "la Ysla e términos e cabo de Mogodor" (the Island and boundaries and cape of Mogodor), in the "kingdom of Morocco", besides Talgilt, Tiredi and Tetenezt^[26].

Los naturales de Vutata, prometieron a la Católica pagarle los tributos, que dieron a los "reyes antepasados"^[27], no siendo de excluir que el señorío de los Guzmanes, fuese reminiscencia

The natives of Vutata promised the Catholic Queen to pay her the tributes they had given to the "bygone kings"^[27], it not being out of the question that the lordship of the Guzmans was a reminiscence

de parentesco, con familia reinante.

of kinship with a reigning family.

No parece referirse, la Católica, a su propia estirpe, en 1473, al señalar a Enrique de Guzmán, como "persona de real linaje"^[28], ni éste a la casa de Castilla en 1478, jurando por "mi fe como quien soy e del linaje e estirpe real do vengo"^[29].

The Catholic Queen does not seem to be referring to her own stock in 1473, when she points to Enrique de Guzmán as a "person of royal lineage"^[28], nor he to the house of Castile in 1478, swearing by "my faith as who I am and of the royal lineage and stock from which I come"^[29].

Exótico y dudoso el origen, el VI duque de Medina Sidonia quiso borrarlo, junto con el recuerdo de una Isabel de Fonseca o de la "Fuente Seca", conocida popularmente como "Duquesa de las Rocinas".

The origin being exotic and doubtful, the 6th duke of Medina Sidonia wished to erase it, together with the memory of an Isabel de Fonseca or de la "Fuente Seca" (Dry Fountain), popularly known as the "Duquesa de las Rocinas" (Duchess of the Nags).

No casó con el primer duque de Medina, pero fue madre del segundo, campeando sus armas en patio del convento de San Isidoro, en Santiponce: dos calamares, separados por una daga, en campo de púrpura violácea, en losange, símbolo de mujer libre, porque no quiso casar en "faz de la Iglesia".

She did not marry the first duke of Medina, but she was the mother of the second, her arms displayed in the courtyard of the convent of San Isidoro in Santiponce: two squids, separated by a dagger, on a field of violet purple, in lozenge, symbol of a free woman, because she would not marry in "faz de la Iglesia" (the face of the Church).

Lo enmarcan plumas de avestruz, como el de su compañero, que reemplaza los castillos y leones de la casa real, por orla con cuatro leones en cruz, de muy distinto origen, como el que incluyo bajo las calderas guzmanas, en portada de iglesia sanluqueña^[30].

It is framed by ostrich plumes, like that of her companion, who replaces the castles and lions of the royal house with an orle of four lions in cross, of very different origin, like the one he included beneath the Guzmán cauldrons on the façade of a Sanlúcar church^[30].

Documentada la Fonseca en la contabilidad, hasta su fallecimiento en 1494, cuatro anotaciones en el inventario viejo, escandalosamente tachadas, revelan que el Guzmán, fallecido en 1468, no legalizó la relación.

La Fonseca is documented in the accounts until her death in 1494; four entries in the old inventory, scandalously crossed out, reveal that the Guzmán, who died in 1468, never legalized the relationship.

Se refieren a bulas y letras de Inocencio VIII, extendidas en 1491, por las cuales se absolvía al difunto y su pareja, del concubinato en que vivieron, pero sobre todo, borraban la bastardía del hijo.

They refer to bulls and letters of Innocent VIII, issued in 1491, by which the deceased and his partner were absolved of the concubinage in which they had lived, but above all, they erased the son's bastardy.

Escabroso el tema, Pedro Barrantes, hagiógrafo de la casa, hace contraer matrimonio el primer titular del ducado, en 1468, a días de su óbito, con una inexistente Isabel de Meneses, que se atribuye por madre al sucesor.

The subject being thorny, Pedro Barrantes, hagiographer of the house, has the first holder of the dukedom contract marriage in 1468, days before his death, with a non-existent Isabel de Meneses, who is attributed as mother to the successor.

Redactada la escritura en pergamino, por falsario de élite, de no haber sido incluida en el inventario, tras documento de 1541, cuando se redactaba la falsa crónica, hubiese pasado por autentica^[31].

The deed having been drawn up on parchment by an élite forger, had it not been included in the inventory after a document of 1541, when the false chronicle was being written, it would have passed as authentic^[31].

Recuerda Alonso de Palencia que en 1454, fueron a Lisboa embajadores de Juan II, para protestar ante Alfonso V, porque teniendo la corona de Castilla y León, "la antigua y exclusiva facultad de navegar a los mares de Guinea y hacer la guerra a los moros y otras gentes de Africa", "la desidia de los castellanos", permitió al rey de Portugal hacer la guerra en Marruecos, expulsando de sus mares y costas al extraño.

Alonso de Palencia recalls that in 1454 ambassadors of John II went to Lisbon to protest before Afonso V, because the crown of Castile and León possessing "the ancient and exclusive faculty of sailing to the seas of Guinea and making war on the Moors and other peoples of Africa", "the slackness of the Castilians" allowed the king of Portugal to make war in Morocco, expelling the stranger from his seas and coasts.

Es probable que llevada la protesta a Roma, estuviese en el origen de la ratificación del reparto del reino de Fez, de Martín V y Eugenio IV, que hizo Nicolás V aquel año, permitiendo al portugués, cerrar a cal y canto su conquista.

It is probable that the protest, carried to Rome, was at the origin of the ratification of the partition of the kingdom of Fez made by Martin V and Eugene IV, which Nicholas V made that year, allowing the Portuguese to close off his conquest lock, stock and barrel.

Recurrente el argumento de la "debilidad", lo retomó Enrique IV: "por debilidad" y miedo a los portugueses, que "los mutilaban y mataban, entre crueles tormentos", si se aventuraban a rebasar las Canarias, los castellanos se abstenían de navegar por los mares de las "Islas", o pescar con jábega, en sus costas y las africanas, sin tener licencia del rey de Alfonso V, que habiéndose erigido en señor del litoral "etiópico", hizo de un reino pobre, "patria opulenta", fletando flotas para importar etíopes cautivos, pimienta y oro^[32].

The argument of "weakness" being recurrent, Henry IV took it up again: "out of weakness" and fear of the Portuguese, who "mutilated and killed them, amid cruel torments", if they ventured to pass beyond the Canaries, the Castilians abstained from sailing the seas of the "Islands", or from fishing with the jábega (seine net) off their coasts and the African ones, without licence from king Afonso V, who, having set himself up as lord of the "Ethiopian" littoral, made of a poor kingdom an "opulent homeland", chartering fleets to import captive Ethiopians, pepper and gold^[32].

No sospechaba el Trastamara que su hermana Isabel, continuando la tradición, le colgaría la acusación de "debilidad", por idéntica causa.

The Trastámara did not suspect that his sister Isabella, continuing the tradition, would hang the accusation of "weakness" on him, for the identical cause.

En el falso fechado en 1449, que en 1464 se atribuyó a Juan II, se reservaron a la corona, mineros, moneda forera y mayoría de justicia o derecho de apelación, como era costumbre, limitación inocua, pues los Guzmanes adquirieron el predio, en las condiciones en que lo recibieron Herrera y Saavedra, añadiendo ciertos detalles oportunos.

In the false document dated 1449, which in 1464 was attributed to John II, there were reserved to the crown the miners, the minting of foreign coin and the mayoría de justicia or right of appeal, as was customary — an innocuous limitation, for the Guzmans acquired the estate on the conditions in which Herrera and Saavedra had received it, adding certain opportune details.

Recogidos los topónimos y accidentes, que aparecen en las albalas de 1463, se incluye conquista "tierra adentro" y la "Tierra Firme"^[33].

The place-names and features that appear in the albalás of 1463 being gathered, it includes conquest "inland" and the "Tierra Firme" (Mainland)^[33].

Provincia de Portugal, lindaba al oeste con la Tierra Alta española y al este con Arguim, principio de la Guinea, teniendo al norte las Islas de Cabo Verde.

A province of Portugal, it bordered to the west on the Spanish Tierra Alta and to the east on Arguim, the beginning of Guinea, having to the north the Cape Verde Islands.

Señorío del infante D. Fernando, condestable del reino y maestre de Avis, confunde a los historiadores la frase, incluida en los acuerdos de Santa Fe: "después que hayades descubierto e ganado las dichas islas e Tierra Firme...".

A lordship of the Infante Dom Fernando, constable of the kingdom and master of Avis, historians are confused by the phrase included in the capitulations of Santa Fe: "after you shall have discovered and won the said islands and Tierra Firme...".

Los testigos que deponen en los pleitos colombinos, son unánimes: siempre oyeron "llamar... Tierra Firme" a la costa, que corría de Paria a Veragua, no habiendo escuchado jamás, "que hubiese otra Tierra Firme", porque "no hay otra costa que se llame Tierra Firme", unitaria aunque la poblasen "diversidad de lenguas y de personas", dispares^[34] porque al carecer de embarcaciones, como sucedía en las Canarias, no se comunicaban entre sí^[35].

The witnesses who depose in the Columbian lawsuits are unanimous: they always heard the coast that ran from Paria to Veragua "called... Tierra Firme", never having heard "that there was another Tierra Firme", because "there is no other coast called Tierra Firme", unitary although inhabited by a "diversity of tongues and of persons", disparate^[34] because, lacking boats, as happened in the Canaries, they did not communicate among themselves^[35].

Según Rodríguez Simón, Colón recorrió lo que "agora dicen Tierra Firme", en su cuarto viaje, pudiendo constatar que de Honduras

According to Rodríguez Simón, Columbus traversed what "they now call Tierra Firme" on his fourth voyage, being able to ascertain that from Honduras

a Retrete, era todo una costa, "sin brazo de mar o estrecho", que comunicase los Mares del Norte y el Sur^[36], lo cual significa que se conocía la existencia del Pacífico.

to Retrete, it was all one coast, "without arm of the sea or strait" communicating the North and South Seas^[36], which means that the existence of the Pacific was known.

Cristóbal Rodríguez supo del descubrimiento de tres provincias de Tierra Firme, "en la isla de Guanabo, estando en la guerra", prestando Diego Prieto a Colón, dotes premonitorios: cuando iban "a descubrir" la primera vez, le oyó decir que buscaba una "Tierra Firme", en la que "había mucho oro y aljófar y que si allí fuesen, que les faría Dios mucha merced"^[37].

Cristóbal Rodríguez learned of the discovery of three provinces of Tierra Firme "on the island of Guanabo, being at the war", Diego Prieto attributing premonitory gifts to Columbus: when they were going "to discover" the first time, he heard him say that he was seeking a "Tierra Firme" in which "there was much gold and seed-pearl, and that if they went there, God would show them great mercy"^[37].

Antonio Quintero, hombre de Indias, incluyó en Tierra Firme la Isla de Pirto^[38], Cuba, Higueras^[39], la Bahía de Concepción y Golfo Dulce, sin caer en que la insularidad, rompía la unidad de la costa.

Antonio Quintero, a man of the Indies, included in Tierra Firme the Island of Pirto^[38], Cuba, Higueras^[39], the Bay of Concepción and Golfo Dulce, without realizing that insularity broke the unity of the coast.

Diego Soto llevó el topónimo hasta San Juan de Ulúa, mientras otros le hacían rodear el continente: "todo se llama Tierra Firme", por ser una costa "a la luenga, tanto a la parte del Mar del Norte, como del Mar del Sur"^[40].

Diego Soto carried the place-name as far as San Juan de Ulúa, while others made it go round the continent: "everything is called Tierra Firme", being one coast "running lengthwise, as much on the side of the North Sea as of the South Sea"^[40].

Velando por los intereses de Francia, el cosmógrafo Sebastián Caboto, lo detuvo en el río Santi Espíritus, de la Florida, excluyendo Bacalaos^[41].

Watching over the interests of France, the cosmographer Sebastian Cabot stopped it at the river Santi Espíritus in Florida, excluding Bacalaos^[41].

Francisco de Bobadilla fue contundente: las dos costas de Nicaragua, eran una misma Tierra Firme^[42].

Francisco de Bobadilla was categorical: the two coasts of Nicaragua were one and the same Tierra Firme^[42].

Sometida toda transmisión de propiedad, aun de mediana importancia, a real consentimiento, los Guzmanes presentaron la concordia de Tarifa, en la real chancillería, acompañada de la falsa albalá de Juan II.

Every transfer of property, even of middling importance, being subject to royal consent, the Guzmans presented the concord of Tarifa at the royal chancery, accompanied by the false albalá of John II.

Entendiendo que al admitir por origen del señorío, concesión de un rey de Castilla, los Guzmanes reconocían, implícitamente, el derecho de la corona a despojarles de unas "islas", en las que no tenía arte ni parte, a 16 de abril de 1464, Enrique IV, dando por vivo al padre, declaró a los dos Guzmanes señores propietarios de la tierra y mares, que hubiese entre los dos cabos, aplicando la fórmula mágica: "de mi propio motu e cierta çiencia y poderío real absoluto, de que en este caso quiero usar e uso..."^[43].

Understanding that by admitting a grant from a king of Castile as the origin of the lordship, the Guzmans implicitly recognized the crown's right to dispossess them of some "islands" in which it had neither part nor lot, on 16 April 1464 Henry IV, treating the father as alive, declared the two Guzmans proprietary lords of the land and seas that might lie between the two capes, applying the magic formula: "de mi propio motu e cierta çiencia y poderío real absoluto, de que en este caso quiero usar e uso..." (of my own motion and certain knowledge and absolute royal power, which in this case I wish to use and do use...)^[43].

Los Guzmanes solventaron su problema en Tarifa, pero no los restantes afectados, por la concesión de 1463.

The Guzmans settled their problem in Tarifa, but not the remaining parties affected by the grant of 1463.

Concertados muchos, los disturbios estallaron en Valladolid, el 14 de septiembre de 1464, día de la Santa Cruz, encabezados por el Almirante, como era de esperar.

Many having conspired, the disturbances broke out in Valladolid on 14 September 1464, the day of the Holy Cross, led by the Admiral, as was to be expected.

En inferioridad Enrique IV, arrumbó las pretensiones ultramarinas, para conservar el trono.

Henry IV, being at a disadvantage, jettisoned the overseas pretensions in order to keep the throne.

Deseando los grandes por rey, a su hermano Alfonso, pero no crear futuros conflictos sucesorios, el monarca hubo de deshacer el matrimonio portugués, para casarle con su hija Juana, a la que nadie consideraba espuria.

The grandees wishing his brother Alfonso for king, but not wishing to create future succession conflicts, the monarch had to undo the Portuguese marriage in order to marry him to his daughter Joan, whom no one considered spurious.

Calmados los ánimos, el rey cometió la torpeza de modificar las leyes del reino, por "sentencia" dictada en enero de 1465.

Tempers having been calmed, the king committed the blunder of modifying the laws of the kingdom by a "sentence" dictated in January 1465.

Obligados moros y judíos a llevar señales y recluirse en guetos, los cristianos, sometidos a "inquisición", serían castigados, de no vivir como tales.

Moors and Jews being obliged to wear badges and to shut themselves up in ghettos, Christians, subjected to an "inquisition", would be punished if they did not live as such.

Al ser muchos los conversos, fieles a su tradición, empezando por Juan de Guzmán, las cortes se autoconvocaron, por última vez.

There being many converts faithful to their tradition, beginning with Juan de Guzmán, the cortes convened themselves, for the last time.

Reunidos los procuradores de las ciudades en Avila, derrocaron a Enrique IV en efigie, el 25 de junio de 1465, proclamando al hermano menor, como Alfonso XII.

The procurators of the cities having gathered in Ávila, they deposed Henry IV in effigy on 25 June 1465, proclaiming the younger brother as Alfonso XII.

Enriqueños Gonzalo de Saavedra y Esteban de Villacreces, alcaides de Tarifa y Gibraltar, el segundo por Beltrán de la Cueva, interceptaron las comunicaciones de Alfonso por mar, con los centros de avituallamiento y del oro^[44], quedando a cargo de Enrique de Guzmán, tomar la plaza.

The Henricans Gonzalo de Saavedra and Esteban de Villacreces, alcaides of Tarifa and Gibraltar — the second through Beltrán de la Cueva — intercepted Alfonso's communications by sea with the centres of provisioning and of gold^[44], the task of taking the town falling to Enrique de Guzmán.

Conseguido tras largo asedio, la recibió en señorío.

Achieved after a long siege, he received it in lordship.

En agosto de 1467, Enrique IV fue derrotado en Olmedo.

In August 1467, Henry IV was defeated at Olmedo.

Prisionero en Bejar y más tarde en Plasencia, sería liberado por los condes, sus guardianes.

A prisoner in Béjar and later in Plasencia, he would be freed by the counts, his guardians.

Proclamado nuevamente en Toledo, a primeros de junio, el 5 de julio moría Alfonso XII en Cardeñosa, dejando la corona a su hermana Isabel, proclamada en el mismo real.

Proclaimed anew in Toledo at the beginning of June, on 5 July Alfonso XII died in Cardeñosa, leaving the crown to his sister Isabella, proclaimed in the same camp.

Con seguidores mermados, deambuló por los campos, procurando no topar con la hueste del hermano.

With diminished followers, she wandered the fields, taking care not to run into her brother's host.

Sitiada en Cadalso, a principios de 1469, bajó a la Venta de los Toros de Guisando, para dar obediencia a Enrique, siendo arrestada.

Besieged in Cadalso at the beginning of 1469, she went down to the Venta de los Toros de Guisando to render obedience to Henry, and was arrested.

Camino de Ocaña, se celebró consejillo en Villarejo.

On the way to Ocaña, a little council was held at Villarejo.

Perdonados los isabelinos, el rey restableció los casorios de Juana, con el heredero de Portugal y de Isabel con Alfonso V^[45].

The Isabellines being pardoned, the king re-established the marriages of Joan with the heir of Portugal and of Isabella with Afonso V^[45].

De no haber errado Baltasar Bellerino de Villalobos, autor de rotario en 1592, Enrique IV aprovechó la paz para reanudar la aventura ultramarina.

Had Baltasar Bellerino de Villalobos, author of a rutter in 1592, not erred, Henry IV took advantage of the peace to resume the overseas adventure.

Escribió con todas sus letras, apuntando a operación de corte colombino, que Vicente Yáñez Pinzón "descubrió" el San Juan de las Amazonas, "el año de mil y quatrocientos y sesenta y nueve"^[46].

He wrote it out in full, pointing to an operation of Columbian cut: that Vicente Yáñez Pinzón "discovered" the San Juan de las Amazonas "in the year one thousand four hundred and sixty-nine"^[46].

En cualquier mapa, con dos siglos de antigüedad, encontramos el río de Vicente Yáñez Pinzón, en la provincia de Paria, a 1º, latitud norte.

On any map two centuries old, we find the river of Vicente Yáñez Pinzón, in the province of Paria, at 1º north latitude.

Estaban los reyes en

The monarchs were in

Extremadura, entregando a Juana a la familia del esposo, cuando el partido de Juan II, al que pertenecía el Arzobispo de Toledo, ayudó a escapar a Isabel, que abandonó Ocaña, malcasando en Dueñas o Valladolid, con el príncipe de Aragón, para iniciar nueva guerra.

Extremadura, handing Joan over to the family of the bridegroom, when the party of John II, to which the Archbishop of Toledo belonged, helped Isabella escape; she abandoned Ocaña, marrying ill in Dueñas or Valladolid with the prince of Aragon, so as to begin a new war.

Emprendida la contienda, que amargó los últimos años de Enrique IV, los Católicos incurrieron en metedura de pata documentada.

Once the struggle had been joined, which embittered the last years of Henry IV, the Catholic Monarchs committed a documented blunder.

Nombrados receptores del quinto de Guinea y la Mina de Oro, Antón Rodríguez Lillo y Gonzalo Coronado, concedieron licencia a dos carabelas de Lepe^[1], para ir a los rescates.

Appointed receivers of the fifth of Guinea and the Gold Mine, Antón Rodríguez Lillo and Gonzalo Coronado granted license to two caravels from Lepe^[1] to go bartering.

Enterados de su regreso, el 20 de febrero de 1470, titulándose reyes, reclamaron a Pedro de Estúñiga, señor del lugar, el quinto que "a nos pertenescía e avemos de aver, de todo lo que de la dicha Guinea se oviere"^[2]. Enriqueño el interpelado, no debió haber respuesta.

Informed of their return, on 20 February 1470, styling themselves kings, they demanded from Pedro de Estúñiga, lord of that place, the fifth that "belonged to us and we are to have, of all that may be had from the said Guinea"^[2]. The man thus addressed being a partisan of Henry, there can have been no reply.

La primera fase de aquella guerra, se redujo a entradas y salidas de los príncipes, en las ciudades y pueblos, que se ofuscaban con Enrique IV, para ser expulsados, apenas empezaban a molestar.

The first phase of that war was reduced to comings and goings of the princes in the cities and towns, which would quarrel with Henry IV, only for them to be expelled as soon as they began to be troublesome.

Segregado entretanto el Sus de Marruecos, desplazada la guerra a Ifrikiya, Alfonso V aprovechó las agitaciones, para emprender la campaña africana de 1471, conquistando Alcázar, Tánger, Çafi, Azamor, Mazagán, Mogador y otras plazas, sin que Enrique de Guzmán se alterase, por ser compatible su señorío, con la autoridad de un rey comerciante y por supuesto con la de unos Xarifes, ocupados en cuestiones internas, a los que complacía mantener un tráfico floreciente, con la colaboración de un señor de behetría.

The Sus of Morocco having meanwhile broken away, the war displaced to Ifrikiya, Afonso V took advantage of the agitations to undertake the African campaign of 1471, conquering Alcázar, Tangier, Çafi, Azamor, Mazagán, Mogador and other strongholds, without Enrique de Guzmán being disturbed, since his lordship was compatible with the authority of a merchant king and of course with that of certain Sharifs occupied with internal matters, who were pleased to maintain a flourishing trade with the collaboration of a lord of a behetría (a free lordship).

En 1472, la visita del cardenal Rodrigo Borgia, legado de Sixto IV, con plenos poderes, conmocionó a Castilla.

In 1472, the visit of Cardinal Rodrigo Borgia, legate of Sixtus IV with full powers, shook Castile.

Le recibieron en la rada de Valencia, el Cardenal Pedro de Mendoza, embajador de Enrique IV y Antón Rodríguez Lillo, representante de los príncipes.

He was received in the roadstead of Valencia by Cardinal Pedro de Mendoza, ambassador of Henry IV, and Antón Rodríguez Lillo, representative of the princes.

Siguió al cortejo, apartándose a la entrada del territorio enriqueño, por ser mal sano para un seguidor de Isabel.

The latter followed the retinue, drawing aside at the entrance to Henrician territory, it being unhealthy for a follower of Isabella.

Agotado el mercado de bulas y dispensas, en las provincias controladas por el rey, Borja contrarió la voluntad del monarca, tomando el camino de Alcalá de Henares.

The market in bulls and dispensations being exhausted in the provinces controlled by the king, Borja defied the monarch's will, taking the road to Alcalá de Henares.

Valenciano de origen, sirvió a Juan II de Aragón, casando a los Católicos, legitimó a su hija Leonor, que pasó a llamarse Isabel y relajó a los grandes del juramento que hicieron a Juana, como heredera del trono.

Valencian by origin, he had served John II of Aragon; marrying the Catholic Monarchs, he legitimized their daughter Leonor, who came to be called Isabella, and released the grandees from the oath they had sworn to Joan as heiress to the throne.

No está escrito, pero a juzgar por los hechos, debieron acordar que a cambio de la ayuda, prestada a la pareja, para conquistar el trono, los monarcas ayudarían al prelado a conseguir el solio, con promesa de posterior rectificación del reparto del reino de Fez, en favor de Castilla.

It is not written, but judging by the facts, they must have agreed that, in exchange for the help given to the couple to conquer the throne, the monarchs would help the prelate obtain the see, with a promise of a subsequent rectification of the partition of the kingdom of Fez in favor of Castile.

Portadores de la relajación del juramento, hecho a la princesa, a más de poderes, para prometer cualquier cosa, Pedro Fernández de Córdoba y Alonso de Palencia recorrieron el reino, buscando adhesiones.

Bearers of the release from the oath sworn to the princess, as well as of powers to promise anything, Pedro Fernández de Córdoba and Alonso de Palencia traveled the kingdom seeking adhesions.

El Condado de Vizcaya "se reduxo a nuestro servicio, dos años antes que nos reynásemos"^[3].

The County of Biscay "came over to our service two years before we reigned"^[3].

Y Enrique de Guzmán, a principios de 1473^[4].

And Enrique de Guzmán, at the beginning of 1473^[4].

Isabelino Gonzalo de Estúñiga, alcaide de Palos que controlaba la villa, los navegantes del Alfoz de Saltes hicieron la guerra al rey, teniendo por aliado al duque de Medina, cabeza de la hueste isabelina en Andalucía.

Gonzalo de Estúñiga, alcaide (fortress governor) of Palos who controlled the town, being an Isabelline, the seafarers of the Alfoz de Saltes made war on the king, having as ally the Duke of Medina, head of the Isabelline host in Andalusia.

De la enriqueña, lo fue Rodrigo Ponce de León.

Of the Henrician host, Rodrigo Ponce de León was the head.

Alfonsino a su tiempo y perdonado, permaneció donde estaba, enfrentándose al primo por primera vez.

An Afonsine in his time and pardoned, he remained where he was, confronting his cousin for the first time.

Este cumplió el compromiso de ir sobre Cádiz.

The latter fulfilled the commitment to move against Cádiz.

Destrozó los armazones de pesquería y las almadrabas, pero no pudo tomar la ciudad.

He destroyed the fishing frames and the almadrabas (tuna traps), but could not take the city.

Pedro de Vera, alcaide de Ponce de León, mató a su colega, Basurto, haciéndose con Medina Sidonia y su fortaleza.

Pedro de Vera, Ponce de León's alcaide, killed his colleague Basurto, taking possession of Medina Sidonia and its fortress.

A medias con el alcaide de Rota, ocupó Puerto de Santa María, señorío del Duque de Medinaceli, seguidor de Isabel.

Sharing the enterprise with the alcaide of Rota, he occupied Puerto de Santa María, seigneury of the Duke of Medinaceli, a follower of Isabella.

Porque "a la sazón era del Marqués de Calis", se formaban flotas y armadas en el Guadalete, con barcos de Cádiz, Rota, Huelva y otros lugares, para ir "mar adelante.., allende al Cabo de Aguer", con licencia del rey de Portugal, cuyo hijo estaba casado con Juana de Castilla.

Because "at that time it belonged to the Marquis of Calis", fleets and armadas were formed in the Guadalete, with ships from Cádiz, Rota, Huelva and other places, to go "out to sea..., beyond Cape Aguer", with license from the king of Portugal, whose son was married to Joan of Castile.

Al no estorbar la tendencia política, imperante en el lugar de origen del sujeto, Alfonso Franco, vecino de Palos, acudió con su carabela, para ir al Cabo de Aguer, "como otras veces", con aceite, cebada, trigo y armas, mercancías "defendidas" por los Católicos, que el rey de Portugal permitía vender a los moros.

As the political tendency prevailing in the man's place of origin posed no obstacle, Alfonso Franco, a resident of Palos, went with his caravel to Cape Aguer, "as on other occasions", with oil, barley, wheat and arms, merchandise "forbidden" by the Catholic Monarchs, which the king of Portugal allowed to be sold to the Moors.

Sin sospechar que en su pueblo podían tomar a mal la escapada, regresó al Alfoz de Saltes, con 116 esclavos, "comprados" muy civilmente.

Not suspecting that his escapade might be taken ill in his town, he returned to the Alfoz de Saltes with 116 slaves, "bought" most civilly.

Entrando, le abordaron carabelas armadas, que tomaron barco y carga, por orden de Gonzalo de Estúñiga^[5].

As he entered, armed caravels bore down on him, taking ship and cargo by order of Gonzalo de Estúñiga^[5].

García Escandón, vecino de Puerto de Santa María, entró en aguas de Palos, para hacer agua y leña en El Paralejo, como de costumbre, antes de cruzar a su pesquería, sin sospechar que estaba en territorio enemigo.

García Escandón, a resident of Puerto de Santa María, entered the waters of Palos to take on water and firewood at El Paralejo, as was customary, before crossing to his fishery, not suspecting that he was in enemy territory.

Lo supo cuando se le vino encima Alfonso Yáñez, tomándole carabela de 40 E

He learned it when Alfonso Yáñez came down upon him, taking from him a caravel of 40 E

toneles, son sus aparejos, por proceder de villa enriqueña^[6].

tuns, with her tackle, because she came from a Henrician town^[6].

Policía del mar los paleños, Antón Martín Nieto y Francisco Fernández, capturaron la carabela de Juan de Mesa, vecino de Bermeo, por estar matriculada en Puerto de San María.

Acting as police of the sea, the men of Palos Antón Martín Nieto and Francisco Fernández captured the caravel of Juan de Mesa, a resident of Bermeo, because she was registered in Puerto de San María.

Faenaba en los bancos del Cabo de Aguer, recibiendo quebranto de 30.000 maravedís^[7]; Juan Jiménez de Sevilla, de esta vecindad, perdió carga de moros, al regreso de Cabo de Aguer; Fernando Pérez, también del Puerto, que traía dos carabelas, con 114 moros y moras y 1.500 meticales de oro, valorado el todo en dos cuentos de maravedís y Pedro Bueno, vecino de Jerez, con 18 cautivos en la Machorra, cargados en el Cabo de Aguer, "que es tierra de moros", donde cada cual estuvo por su parte, fueron tomados por los de Palos, el uno navegando "a través del Çafi" y el otro frente al Çafi^[8].

He was working the banks of Cape Aguer, suffering a loss of 30,000 maravedís^[7]; Juan Jiménez of Seville, of that same place, lost a cargo of Moors on the return from Cape Aguer; Fernando Pérez, also of El Puerto, who was bringing two caravels with 114 Moorish men and women and 1,500 meticals of gold, the whole valued at two cuentos of maravedís, and Pedro Bueno, a resident of Jerez, with 18 captives aboard the Machorra, taken on at Cape Aguer, "which is land of Moors", where each one had been minding his own business, were taken by the men of Palos, the one sailing "across from Çafi" and the other off Çafi^[8].

Herido Pedro Bueno en la refriega y desembarcados en Huelva, pararon en mazmorra de la fortaleza de Niebla, quedando presos "en fierros", hasta que pagaron los 20.000 maravedís, que el duque de Medina exigió por cabeza, en concepto de rescate.^[9].

Pedro Bueno having been wounded in the fray and the men put ashore at Huelva, they ended up in the dungeon of the fortress of Niebla, remaining prisoners "in irons" until they paid the 20,000 maravedís that the Duke of Medina demanded per head by way of ransom^[9].

Sospechoso Diego de Herrera de permanecer fiel al Trastamara, Gonzalo de Estúñiga le capturó carabela cargada de grano, con destino a Canarias^[10].

Diego de Herrera being suspected of remaining faithful to the Trastámara, Gonzalo de Estúñiga captured from him a caravel laden with grain bound for the Canary Islands^[10].

Muerto Enrique IV en diciembre de 1474, dejó a su hija, por testamento, el trono y cuanto poseía^[11].

Henry IV having died in December 1474, he left his daughter, by will, the throne and all he possessed^[11].

Proclamada en Madrid y en ausencia, los Católicos se hicieron aclamar "rey e reyna de los dichos reynos de Castilla e de León", en Segovia y en presencia, con ayuda de Andrés de Cabrera^[12].

She having been proclaimed in Madrid and in absentia, the Catholic Monarchs had themselves acclaimed "king and queen of the said kingdoms of Castile and León" in Segovia and in person, with the help of Andrés de Cabrera^[12].

En la facción juanista, encabezada por Diego López Pacheco, Marqués de Villena, militó Rodrigo Ponce de León.

In the Joanist faction, headed by Diego López Pacheco, Marquis of Villena, Rodrigo Ponce de León served.

Siendo Isabel conocida de los castellanos, que ignoraban la existencia de Juana, Fernando se mantuvo en silencio, aguardando que el cortejo regio, cruzase la frontera, para ganar la guerra, usando por arma la calumnia.

Isabella being known to the Castilians, who were unaware of Joan's existence, Ferdinand kept silent, waiting for the royal retinue to cross the frontier, in order to win the war using calumny as a weapon.

Estando la reina en Zamora, con séquito inevitable de portugueses, por ser su marido Príncipe de Portugal, a 19 de mayo de 1475, el Católico llamó a la guerra, acusando a Villena y los seguidores de Juana, de pretender entregar Castilla, al rey Alfonso V^[13].

The queen being in Zamora, with an inevitable retinue of Portuguese, her husband being Prince of Portugal, on 19 May 1475 the Catholic Monarch called to war, accusing Villena and Joan's followers of intending to hand Castile over to King Afonso V^[13].

Debilitada la posición de la facción legitimista, por tan fácil engaño, la guerra civil no pasó de engorro marginal, que dejó a los Católicos margen sobrado de maniobra, para iniciar la ultramarina.

The position of the legitimist faction weakened by so easy a deception, the civil war amounted to no more than a marginal nuisance, which left the Catholic Monarchs ample room for maneuver to begin the overseas one.

Muerto Fadrique Enríquez, siendo el Almirante Mayor su hijo, Alonso Enríquez, los reyes quisieron atraerle, ordenando al juanista Gonzalo de Saavedra, que le devolviese Tarifa, con puerto, fortaleza y la mitad de las pagas y tenencias, percibidas en los últimos 18 años^[14], gesto demagógico, que no sería obedecido.

Fadrique Enríquez being dead, and his son Alonso Enríquez being Admiral-in-Chief, the monarchs wished to win him over, ordering the Joanist Gonzalo de Saavedra to restore Tarifa to him, with its port, fortress and half of the payments and holdings received over the last 18 years^[14], a demagogic gesture that would not be obeyed.

Deseando Isabel tripulantes paleños, porque "sólo los de Palos conocían de antiguo el mar de Guinea"^[15], estando prohibido, por las ordenanzas locales, sacar navío de su alfoz, sin tener parte en el señorío y a los vecinos embarcar con forastero, la reina quiso controlar la villa.

Isabella desiring crews from Palos, because "only those of Palos knew the sea of Guinea from of old"^[15], it being forbidden by the local ordinances to take a ship out of its alfoz (district) without having a share in the lordship, and for residents to embark with an outsider, the queen wished to control the town.

Repartida la jurisdicción en 12 partes, entre otros tantos miembros de las familias Silva y Zúñiga, pensó que el secuestro le aportaría marineros autóctonos.

Jurisdiction being divided into 12 parts among as many members of the Silva and Zúñiga families, she thought that sequestration would provide her with native sailors.

Calificando de "escándalo" pleito, que enfrentaba al Conde de Cifuentes y hermanos, con Gonzalo de Estúñiga o Zúñiga, acusado de usurparles su mitad de la villa, la reina la embargó a 10 de agosto de 1475, ordenando a su fiel seguidor, entregar poder y fortaleza a Gil de Hinestrosa, que la daría a Diego Gutiérrez, alcaide por la corona^[16].

Describing as a "scandal" the lawsuit pitting the Count of Cifuentes and his brothers against Gonzalo de Estúñiga or Zúñiga, accused of usurping their half of the town, the queen embargoed it on 10 August 1475, ordering her faithful follower to hand over the powers and fortress to Gil de Hinestrosa, who would give it to Diego Gutiérrez, alcaide for the crown^[16].

El 19 del mismo mes, Isabel firmó sendas albalas, declarando guerra en la mar, a Portugal y a medio mundo.

On the 19th of the same month, Isabella signed separate albalás (royal warrants) declaring war at sea on Portugal and half the world.

Haciendo abstracción del reparto del reino de Fez, ratificado por sucesivos pontífices, afirmó ser propiedad de su corona, como herencia de sus antepasados, la "conquista" de las "Islas" de Africa y Guinea.

Disregarding the partition of the kingdom of Fez, ratified by successive pontiffs, she affirmed that the "conquest" of the "Islands" of Africa and Guinea was the property of her crown, as an inheritance from her ancestors.

Retomando el argumento tradicional, culpó a Enrique IV de debilidad, causa de que Alfonso V se hubiese "entrometido" a cobrar quintos, que no le pertenecían.

Taking up the traditional argument, she blamed Henry IV for the weakness that had led Afonso V to "meddle" in collecting fifths that did not belong to him.

Tras manifestar su voluntad de enderezar la situación, ordenó a los castellanos, que "fuesen" por la mar, hacer "todo mal e daño", al "adversario de Portugal", metáfora que en adelante, designaría al rey portugués.

Having declared her will to right the situation, she ordered the Castilians to "go" over the sea to do "all manner of evil and harm" to the "adversary of Portugal", a metaphor that would henceforth designate the Portuguese king.

Quien navegase por aguas de Africa y Guinea, sin haber depositado fianzas en manos de sus receptores, suficientes para garantizar el pago del quinto al regreso, sería capturado, perdiendo el extranjero libertad, barco y mercancías.

Whoever sailed in the waters of Africa and Guinea without having deposited sureties in the hands of her receivers sufficient to guarantee payment of the fifth on his return would be captured, the foreigner losing his liberty, ship and merchandise.

Y el castellano todos sus bienes, con la cabeza^[17].

And the Castilian all his goods, along with his head^[17].

Tenía la corona unas cuantas galeras, por no usarlas los particulares, al ser barco

The crown had a few galleys, since private individuals did not use them, being an open

descubierto, inadecuado a la navegación de invierno, las travesías prolongadas y el transporte de mercancías.

vessel, unsuited to winter sailing, prolonged passages and the transport of merchandise.

Necesitando aquella guerra de otro tipo de navíos, quedó a cargo de mercaderes y pescadores, que tuvieron el corso, como segunda profesión.

That war requiring another type of vessel, it fell to merchants and fishermen, who had privateering as a second profession.

Regulado el reparto de las presas, les correspondió casco, pertrechos, rescate de los marineros y un tercio de la carga, quedando a la corona los dos restantes, con capitanes y maestres.

The division of prizes being regulated, they were allotted the hull, stores, the ransom of the sailors and a third of the cargo, the other two-thirds going to the crown, together with captains and masters.

Entregados a los oficiales de la reina en Sevilla, tras ser debidamente interrogados en el potro, sobre cuanto supiesen de puertos y rutas, se les haría servir en las armadas de Castilla, por miedo o por dádivas.

Handed over to the queen's officials in Seville, after being duly interrogated on the rack about all they knew of ports and routes, they would be made to serve in the armadas of Castile, through fear or through gifts.

Práctica Isabel, recomendó respetar a los barcos a la ida, para cazarlos de regreso, a carga completa^[18].

Practiced as she was, Isabella recommended sparing the ships on the outward voyage, in order to hunt them down on the return, fully laden^[18].

Redondeando la campaña, Rodríguez Lillo y Coronado formaron núcleo de armada, con seis carabelas, embargadas a particulares: "todas las mercaderías e cosas e gentes de armas, que fuere menester", serían financiadas a cargo de un cuento o millón de maravedís, que habrían de prestar, de grado o por fuerza, los mercaderes andaluces "de lonja e de fuera de lonja..., que traen sobre aguas de la mar", a devolver con cargo a las rentas de Sevilla, en plazo indefinido, es decir, nunca.

Rounding out the campaign, Rodríguez Lillo and Coronado formed the nucleus of an armada with six caravels embargoed from private individuals: "all the merchandise and things and men-at-arms that may be needed" would be financed against a cuento or million maravedís, which the Andalusian merchants "of the exchange and outside the exchange..., who trade upon the waters of the sea" would have to lend, willingly or by force, to be repaid with a charge on the revenues of Seville at an indefinite term, that is, never.

La armada, a cargo de Alvaro de la Nava, capitán mayor, haría la guerra a Portugal y a cuantos se acercasen a las "islas" de Africa y Guinea, sin licencia de los Católicos, a más de rescatar "oro, esclavos y manegueta".

The armada, under Alvaro de la Nava, captain-general, would make war on Portugal and on all who approached the "islands" of Africa and Guinea without license from the Catholic Monarchs, besides bartering "gold, slaves and manegueta" (grains of paradise).

Reunidas 30 velas^[19], incordió tanto a los que tenían por costumbre ir a los rescates de la Mina, que Castilla se convirtió en enemigo único, de guerra europea.

Thirty sails having been gathered^[19], it so vexed those who were accustomed to go bartering at the Mine that Castile became the sole enemy in a European war.

Con Francia no tardó en tener "guerra declarada"^[20], siguiendo Eduardo IV de Inglaterra, que rompió su alianza con Castilla y Aragón, firmando el tratado de Picquigny, con Luis XI, en agosto de 1475.

With France it soon had "declared war"^[20], Edward IV of England following, who broke his alliance with Castile and Aragon, signing the Treaty of Picquigny with Louis XI in August 1475.

No se percataron los monarcas de la novedad.

The monarchs did not notice the novelty.

Brillante la campaña, en septiembre los Católicos se llamaban reyes de Portugal y Alonso Enríquez Almirante Mayor de Castilla y Portugal, pasando sus emolumentos del medio quinto, a dos tercios de quinto.

The campaign being brilliant, in September the Catholic Monarchs were calling themselves king and queen of Portugal and Alonso Enríquez Admiral-in-Chief of Castile and Portugal, his emoluments passing from the half fifth to two-thirds of a fifth.

En cuanto a los Católicos sumaron la corona de Portugal a la retahíla, que adornaba sus encabezamientos^[21].

As for the Catholic Monarchs, they added the crown of Portugal to the string of titles that adorned their headings^[21].

En noviembre, considerando la Guinea definitivamente ganada, quisieron controlar el tráfico, con las "escalas de mercadores".

In November, considering Guinea definitively won, they wished to control the traffic with the "merchants' trading posts".

Puertos del Xarife, abiertos a cristianos, donde tenían factor el rey de Portugal, el duque de Medina y los mercaderes más destacados de su tiempo, crearon "licencias", de adquisición obligada.

Ports of the Sharif, open to Christians, where the king of Portugal, the Duke of Medina and the most prominent merchants of their time had a factor, they created "licenses", of obligatory purchase.

Encargado de despacharlas Gonzalo Chacón, Comendador de Montiel, mayordomo y contador mayor de los reyes, Isabel las ubicó " en la costa de "Allende, en la ysla de Africa e en Bervería", del "cabo d'Aguer fasta el cabo de Aguiló, con el golfo de Meça, por la costa de la mar, desde dentro de Çale fasta el Cabo de Aguiló".

Gonzalo Chacón, Commander of Montiel, steward and chief accountant of the monarchs, being charged with issuing them, Isabella located them "on the coast of "Allende, on the island of Africa and in Barbary", from "Cape Aguer to Cape Aguiló, with the gulf of Meça, along the coast of the sea, from within Çale to Cape Aguiló".

Individualizándolas, las nombró por su orden: Cabo de Aguer, los dos Çales, Viejo y Nuevo, con "el río en medio", Azamor, la ciudad de Çafin y Aguiló^[22].

Naming them individually, she listed them in order: Cape Aguer, the two Çales, Old and New, with "the river in between", Azamor, the city of Çafin and Aguiló^[22].

En 1476, se pusieron cuatro galeras reales en el Estrecho, al mando de Alvaro de la Nava y Mosén Boscán, a las que se unió armador vasco.

In 1476, four royal galleys were stationed in the Strait, under the command of Alvaro de la Nava and Mosén Boscán, joined by a Basque shipowner.

Capturaron mercante genovés, sospechoso de sacar trigo andaluz sin licencia y estuvieron en Arcilla, quizá con la armada, combatiendo frente a su costa con Alvaro Mendes, el más activo de los capitanes portugueses.

They captured a Genoese merchantman suspected of taking Andalusian wheat out without a license and were at Arcilla, perhaps with the armada, fighting off its coast with Alvaro Mendes, the most active of the Portuguese captains.

El vasco perdió su navío en el encuentro^[23].

The Basque lost his ship in the encounter^[23].

De formar la armada se encargaron Rodríguez de Lillo y Alonso de Palencia, buscando velas ligeras, porque las mayores no podían rebasar el Cabo de Leona, principio de la costa del "placel" de Guinea, por falta de fondo.

Rodríguez de Lillo and Alonso de Palencia took charge of forming the armada, seeking light sails, because the larger ones could not pass beyond Cape Leona, the start of the coast of the "placel" (trading roadstead) of Guinea, for lack of depth.

Esperaban reunir 30 embarcaciones, como el año anterior, pero la empresa empezó con mal pie, debido a la resistencia de los mercaderes sevillanos, a facilitar nuevos préstamos.

They hoped to gather 30 vessels, as the year before, but the enterprise began on the wrong foot, owing to the resistance of the Sevillian merchants to providing new loans.

Retrasado el "armamento", los de Portugal se adelantaron.

The "arming" being delayed, the Portuguese forestalled them.

Cuenta Palencia que al estar ocupada la Guinea por castellanos, Ferrâo Gomes se negó a pagar los 600.000 cruzados del arriendo.

Palencia relates that, Guinea being occupied by Castilians, Ferrâo Gomes refused to pay the 600,000 cruzados of the lease.

Se lo perdonó el príncipe D. Juan, señor de la provincia, poniéndole por condición armar 20 barcos, para aguardar a los andaluces.

Prince D. John, lord of the province, forgave him, setting as a condition that he arm 20 ships to lie in wait for the Andalusians.

Zarpando en invierno, el mejor tiempo, porque los "aires son más saludables" y el mar de Guinea estaba sereno.

Setting sail in winter, the best season, because the "airs are more healthful" and the sea of Guinea was calm.

Viejos amigos de los naturales, los portugueses terminaron brevemente sus "rescates", omitiendo la espera, pues regresaron antes de aparecer la armada de Isabel^[24].

Old friends of the natives, the Portuguese finished their "bartering" quickly, omitting the wait, for they returned before Isabella's armada appeared^[24].

Convocada en el Guadalquivir, "para que entrasen sobre mar e fuesen en la conquista de Africa e Guinea, que a nos pertenesce", reunió 25 navíos y 3 naos vascongadas, que se apartarían en el Cabo de Leona, al no poder seguir, por exceso de calado.

Summoned on the Guadalquivir, "so that they should put to sea and go to the conquest of Africa and Guinea, which belongs to us", it gathered 25 vessels and 3 Basque naos, which would fall away at Cape Leona, being unable to continue owing to excessive draft.

Capitán mayor Charles de Valera, hijo

Captain-general Charles de Valera, son

de Diego de Valera, llevó por capitana carabela propia.

of Diego de Valera, flew his flag from his own caravel.

Formadas las tripulaciones por vascos y andaluces, quiso paleños, "curtidos en las cosas del mar", por ser su principal actividad capturar "muchas embarcaciones" de portugueses, "al regreso de Etiopía o Guinea, matando a las tripulaciones y tomando esclavos, esclavas y mercancías".

The crews being formed of Basques and Andalusians, he wanted men of Palos, "seasoned in the things of the sea", since their principal activity was capturing "many vessels" of the Portuguese, "on their return from Ethiopia or Guinea, killing the crews and taking slaves, male and female, and merchandise".

Poco aficionados a navegar para el rey, o por retenerlos, efectivamente, el duque de Medina Sidonia y otros sevillanos, opuestos a la guerra, se retrasaron tanto, que la armada no salió hasta mayo^[25].

Little inclined to sail for the king, or in order to hold them back, effectively, the Duke of Medina Sidonia and other Sevillians, opposed to the war, delayed so much that the armada did not sail until May^[25].

En la mar surgieron nuevos retrasos, a causa de la indisciplina de Pedro del Puerto, capitán de nao.

At sea new delays arose, owing to the indiscipline of Pedro del Puerto, captain of a nao.

A poco de zarpar se apartó, para capturar carraca genovesa, sospechosa de dirigirse a Guinea.

Shortly after setting sail he broke away to capture a Genoese carrack suspected of heading for Guinea.

Portadora de tapicerías, paños mayores y armas, Pedro regresó a Puerto Santa María, vendiendo la presa en 300.000 maravedís que se embolsó, sin pagar el quinto al Almirante.

She carrying tapestries, heavy cloths and arms, Pedro returned to Puerto Santa María, selling the prize for 300,000 maravedís, which he pocketed without paying the fifth to the Admiral.

Reincorporado a la armada, que le estaba aguardando, siguieron a Porto Santo, donde hicieron aguaje.

Having rejoined the armada, which was waiting for him, they continued to Porto Santo, where they took on water.

Prohibido por el capitán mayor rescatar, antes de llegar a la Mina, Pedro se hizo con un esclavo y ciertas mercancías, recibiendo lógica reprimenda.

Bartering having been forbidden by the captain-general before reaching the Mine, Pedro got himself a slave and certain merchandise, receiving a well-deserved reprimand.

No siendo aficionado a soportar broncas, puso proa al puerto de Barrameda, con las naos vizcaínas, cuyos tripulantes no aguantaban impertinencias^[26].

Not being fond of enduring scoldings, he set course for the port of Barrameda with the Biscayan naos, whose crews would not put up with impertinences^[26].

Según Palencia, la armada saqueó la Isla de Antonio Noli^[27], probablemente Porto Santo.

According to Palencia, the armada sacked the Island of Antonio Noli^[27], probably Porto Santo.

Juan de Moguer, propietario de "vallinero", secuestrado para la empresa, recordaba que zarpó de Puerto de Santa María, peleado en la mar con "portugueses" y "los moros", sus aliados^[28].

Juan de Moguer, owner of a "vallinero" (a small caravel) commandeered for the enterprise, recalled that he had sailed from Puerto de Santa María, having fought at sea with "Portuguese" and "the Moors", their allies^[28].

Juan de Moya, forzado a incorporar su carabela, menciona encontronazo con el portugués, Alvar Mendes y haber comprado a Valera dos moros blancos, capturados en Arsila^[29].

Juan de Moya, forced to contribute his caravel, mentions a clash with the Portuguese Alvar Mendes and having bought from Valera two white Moors captured in Arsila^[29].

Fracasado el intento de tomar los barcos de Ferrâo Gomes, la armada siguió a las costas de "Africa", capturando dos carabelas de Rodrigo Ponce de León, con 500 esclavos azanegues y mercancías^[30].

The attempt to take Ferrâo Gomes's ships having failed, the armada continued to the coasts of "Africa", capturing two caravels of Rodrigo Ponce de León, with 500 Azanegue slaves and merchandise^[30].

Considerando suficiente el botín, los de Palos se volvieron, continuando Valera a Sierra Leona, con los vascos y algunos andaluces^[31], para llegar demasiado tarde a "Los Azúcares", pues los de Portugal, no estaban en la Mina de Oro ni costa de Guinea^[32].

Considering the booty sufficient, the men of Palos turned back, Valera continuing to Sierra Leone with the Basques and some Andalusians^[31], only to arrive too late at "Los Azúcares", for the Portuguese were not at the Gold Mine or the Guinea coast^[32].

No se consideró la jornada un éxito, pero tampoco un fracaso.

The expedition was not considered a success, but neither was it a failure.

En 1477, Antón Martín Nieto fue requerido, porque debía 11.200 maravedís del quinto de la carabela Buenavista, que tomó a los portugueses la armada, "que por nuestro mandado... se fizo el año pasado"^[33].

In 1477, Antón Martín Nieto was called to account, because he owed 11,200 maravedís of the fifth of the caravel Buenavista, which the armada "that by our command... was made last year" took from the Portuguese^[33].

Entretanto los vascos armaban para "esta guerra que tenemos contra el adversario de Portugal"^[34], combatiendo en el norte con franceses^[35] y "otros enemigos de mis reinos"^[36].

Meanwhile the Basques were arming for "this war that we have against the adversary of Portugal"^[34], fighting in the north with the French^[35] and "other enemies of my kingdoms"^[36].

Era capitán mayor el armador, que fletase la primera embarcación, como catalizador de las restantes^[37].

The captain-general was the shipowner who chartered the first vessel, as a catalyst for the rest^[37].

Alfonso V salió de Lagos en junio de 1476, "para o mar do Levante", con 16 naos y 5 carabelas, uniéndose al "Almirante Coloum", prestado por Luis XI.

Afonso V sailed from Lagos in June 1476, "para o mar do Levante", with 16 naos and 5 caravels, joining the "Almirante Coloum", lent by Louis XI.

Recibido el vasallaje de Arcilla, donde debió encontrarse con la armada y las galeras de Nava, desembarcó en Narbona.

Having received the vassalage of Arcilla, where he must have met the armada and Nava's galleys, he disembarked at Narbonne.

Subiendo a París, se entrevistó con Luis XI, planificando la continuación de la contienda.

Going up to Paris, he met with Louis XI, planning the continuation of the conflict.

Simple capitán en la documentación, Colón amaneció en La Coruña, con dos barcos tomados a castellanos, quizá en encuentro frente a Cabo San Vicente.

A mere captain in the documentation, Columbus turned up at dawn off La Coruña with two ships taken from Castilians, perhaps in an encounter off Cape St. Vincent.

Juan de Granada, vecino de Rentería, que había navegado con el francés, cuando ejercía de corsario, le puso en aprieto, por conocer su táctica, recuperando "las naos quel tenía robadas de nuestros súbditos... e prendieres sy pudiérades al dicho Colón"^[38].

Juan de Granada, a resident of Rentería, who had sailed with the Frenchman when he was working as a corsair, put him in a tight spot, knowing his tactics, recovering "the naos that he had stolen from our subjects... and may you seize the said Columbus if you can"^[38].

El 6 de enero de 1477, las tropas de René II de Lorena, a medias con suizos libres, liquidaron a Carlos el Temerario, frente a los muros de Nancy.

On 6 January 1477, the troops of René II of Lorraine, jointly with free Swiss, finished off Charles the Bold before the walls of Nancy.

Liberado de su principal enemigo, el rey Francia pudo dedicar su atención a guerra, secundaria hasta entonces.

Freed from his principal enemy, the king of France could devote his attention to the war, secondary until then.

De no haber vivido los Católicos ensimismados en su ombligo, el suceso les hubiese inquietado.

Had the Catholic Monarchs not lived wrapped up in their own navels, the event would have disquieted them.

Pero al dar la espalda al exterior y a toda realidad, que no fuese la suya, se sintieron seguros de la victoria, normalizando la venta de licencias, para rescatar en "las Yslas de Guinea e las otras Yslas comarcanas".

But turning their backs on the outside world and on all reality that was not their own, they felt sure of victory, normalizing the sale of licenses to barter in "the Islands of Guinea and the other neighboring Islands".

Introducido el formulario manuscrito, se conserva autorización en blanco, para fletar dos carabelas.

The handwritten form being introduced, a blank authorization survives for chartering two caravels.

El armador habría de depositar fianzas, que cubriesen al valor del quinto estimado, a satisfacer al regreso.

The shipowner would have to deposit sureties covering the value of the estimated fifth, to be paid on his return.

Libres de navegar "sueltas" o en flota, eligiendo el tiempo y puerto de partida, que mejor les pareciese, podrían llevar cualquier mercancía, con excepción de trigo y armas, por estar prohibida su venta a los moros, "rescatado" lo "que en las dichas yslas ay e se suele traer", en especial "esclavos, manegueta y oro". De regreso, entrarían donde les

Free to sail "loose" or in a fleet, choosing the time and port of departure that suited them best, they could carry any merchandise, with the exception of wheat and arms, the sale of which to the Moors was forbidden, having "bartered" what "there is in the said islands and is customarily brought", especially "slaves, manegueta and gold". On their return, they would put in wherever they

pareciese^[39].

saw fit^[39].

El Conde de Cifuentes, suponiendo, sin equivocarse, que su mitad de Palos había sido embargada a causa de la guerra, pidió en nombre propio y de sus hermanos, que le fuese devuelta, acusando a Gonzalo de Estúñiga de haberla usurpado, por "fuerza e contra su voluntad, de fecho e contra derecho", sin mencionar al alcaide Pedro Osorio, nombrado por la corona, ni el secuestro^[40].

The Count of Cifuentes, supposing, without being wrong, that his half of Palos had been embargoed because of the war, asked in his own name and his brothers' that it be restored to him, accusing Gonzalo de Estúñiga of having usurped it by "force and against his will, in fact and against law", without mentioning the alcaide Pedro Osorio, named by the crown, or the sequestration^[40].

Probado que la medida no facilitaba la formación de armadas, la reina complació al conde.

It having been proved that the measure did not facilitate the formation of armadas, the queen gratified the count.

En marzo de 1477, a punto de iniciarse la temporada de las navegaciones, los reyes refrescaron la memoria de sus vasallos: "bien sabedes como... ovimos declarado pertenecernos la conquista de Africa e Guinea, e que la avíamos tomado e tomávamos e defendiendo que ningunas personas fuesen osados de yr ni enviar yr a la dicha Guinea, ni a las partes della", sin real licencia, advirtiendo que quienes "lo contrario fisieren", perderían "navíos e armas e mercadurías.., e las personas estoviesen a la nuestra merced"^[41].

In March 1477, when the sailing season was about to begin, the monarchs refreshed the memory of their vassals: "you well know how... we declared that the conquest of Africa and Guinea belonged to us, and that we had taken it and were taking it and defending it, that no persons should dare to go or send anyone to the said Guinea, or to any parts of it", without royal license, warning that those who "did the contrary" would lose "ships and arms and merchandise..., and their persons would remain at our mercy"^[41].

Ampliado el abanico de enemigos de Castilla, al ofender a los principados alemanes, con la captura en Galicia, de navío de Lübeck, sospechoso por transportar sal^[42] y a los escoceses con la del "Undia" por vascos, navegando confiado "en la buena paz e alianza, que está asentada entre nos e el Rey de Escocia, su señor", en aguas inglesas, porque además de hierro, lienzos y holandas, llevaba bonito, especiería y pastel, mercancías típicas de Guinea^[43], Antonio Noli, temiendo el mal mayor, se amparó de las tropas castellanas, entregándose a Fernando, con su isla de Cabo Verde.

The fan of Castile's enemies having widened, offending the German principalities with the capture in Galicia of a ship from Lübeck, suspect for carrying salt^[42], and the Scots with that of the "Undia" by Basques, sailing confident "in the good peace and alliance that is established between us and the King of Scotland, his lord", in English waters, because besides iron, linens and hollands she carried bonito, spices and pastel (woad), merchandise typical of Guinea^[43], Antonio Noli, fearing a greater evil, sought the protection of the Castilian troops, surrendering to Ferdinand with his island of Cape Verde.

A principios del verano, quizá por saber enamorado a su hijo, Juan de Portugal, de su prima Leonor, Alfonso V le facilitó el divorció, abandonando sus pretensiones al trono de Castilla.

At the beginning of the summer, perhaps because he knew his son, John of Portugal, to be in love with his cousin Leonor, Afonso V facilitated the divorce for him, abandoning his pretensions to the throne of Castile.

Retiradas sus tropas de Zamora y Trujillo, Isabel se trasladó a la villa extremeña, cambiando el destino de 600 arrobas de vino y trigo, secuestradas por la ciudad de Jerez.

His troops withdrawn from Zamora and Trujillo, Isabella moved to the Extremaduran town, changing the destination of 600 arrobas of wine and wheat sequestered by the city of Jerez.

Elaborados 1.000 quintales de bizcocho, el producto de la venta permitiría pagar 70 lanzas, llamadas a servir en la guerra.

One thousand quintals of biscuit having been produced, the proceeds of the sale would pay for 70 lances called to serve in the war.

Al ser innecesarias, la reina ordenó entregar el lote, en especies, al "capitán de los mares", Alvaro de la Nava, encargado de "faser armada contra el reino de Portugal", para continuar la "guerra por mar".

As they were unnecessary, the queen ordered the lot delivered, in kind, to the "captain of the seas", Alvaro de la Nava, charged with "making an armada against the kingdom of Portugal", to continue the "war by sea".

A 20 de octubre de 1477, el Marqués de Villena, con los seguidores que quedaban a Juana, dieron obediencia a los Católicos^[44], que se pusieron en camino hacia Sevilla.

On 20 October 1477, the Marquis of Villena, with the followers who remained to Joan, gave obedience to the Catholic Monarchs^[44], who set out on the road to Seville.

No bajaron por el río a Sanlúcar^[45], continuando a Puerto de Santa María, para instalarse en Jerez, por el placer de ver el mar.

They did not go down the river to Sanlúcar^[45], continuing to Puerto de Santa María, to settle in Jerez, for the pleasure of seeing the sea.

Lo hicieron para supervisar la preparación de armada "gruesa", que habría de enderezar una guerra, cuyo signo cambiaba peligrosamente.

They did so to supervise the preparation of a "large" armada, which would have to right a war whose sign was changing dangerously.

Faltos de fondos, los Católicos consiguieron bula para "la conversión e redención de las Yslas de Guinea" y Canarias, de adquisición obligada en Castilla, Aragón, Navarra y Portugal^[1].

Short of funds, the Catholics obtained a bull for "the conversion and redemption of the Yslas of Guinea" and the Canaries, whose acquisition was obligatory in Castile, Aragon, Navarre and Portugal^[1].

En el otoño, regresó la armada de 1477, permitiendo el buen cariz de la guerra, presionar a los combatientes, para que se pusiesen al corriente con el fisco.

In the autumn, the armada of 1477 returned, the favourable course of the war permitting them to press the combatants to settle up with the treasury.

Morosos los paleños, les fue reclamado el quinto de las carabelas, tomadas a portugueses "que venían de Guinea", con esclavos y oro de la Mina: "perteneciendo al rey mi señor e a mí la costa de aquellas partes, segund que por otras mis cartas ha sido notificado e publicado en estos mis reinos", el que no se ejecutase, pararía en la cárcel, siendo subastados sus bienes, hasta cubrir la deuda^[2].

The men of Palos being in arrears, the fifth was claimed from them on the caravels taken from Portuguese "who came from Guinea", with slaves and gold from the Mine: "as the coast of those parts belongs to the king my lord and to me, as by other letters of mine has been notified and published in these my kingdoms", whoever failed to comply would end up in jail, his goods being auctioned until the debt was covered^[2].

Habiendo peleado los vasallos a cuenta de su bolsillo, el descontento se tradujo en crítica.

The vassals having fought at the expense of their own pockets, discontent translated itself into criticism.

Celosos de su imagen, los monarcas la protegieron.

Jealous of their image, the monarchs protected it.

Habitual que andaluces y extranjeros residentes, en especial genoveses, frecuentasen Tánger, Ceuta, Arsilla y "otras partes de Africa", nombraron censor de la correspondencia a Francisco Guerra.

It being usual for Andalusians and resident foreigners, especially Genoese, to frequent Tangier, Ceuta, Arsilla and "other parts of Africa", they appointed Francisco Guerra censor of correspondence.

Tras publicar que no podría zarpar barco, sin su "especial licencia", recibió orden secreta de detener a todos los navíos, cuando izaban las velas, pretextando denuncia intempestiva de contrabando.

After publishing that no ship might set sail without his "special licence", he received secret orders to detain all vessels as they hoisted their sails, on the pretext of an untimely denunciation of contraband.

Los registraría minuciosamente, buscando cartas "e otras mensajerías, que sean contra nuestro servicio".

He would search them minutely, looking for letters "and other messages that may be against our service".

De encontrarlas, la tripulación sería encarcelada y el barco embargado, embolsándose Guerra lo que pagasen en subasta, a título de estímulo^[3].

If he found any, the crew would be imprisoned and the ship seized, Guerra pocketing what they fetched at auction, by way of incentive^[3].

En 1478, Castilla consiguió estar en guerra con Portugal, Francia, Inglaterra, Bretaña, Génova, Venecia, Florencia, Escocia y Alemania.

In 1478, Castile managed to be at war with Portugal, France, England, Brittany, Genoa, Venice, Florence, Scotland and Germany.

Fino el olfato de Antonio Noli, regresó a obediencia de Portugal, con la Isla de Cabo Verde, abriendo los canarios su corazón y sus puertos, a portugueses y otros extranjeros, en ruta a la Guinea^[4].

Antonio Noli's nose being keen, he returned to the obedience of Portugal with the Island of Cape Verde, the Canary Islanders opening their hearts and their ports to Portuguese and other foreigners on the route to Guinea^[4].

Sin intuir que el berenjenal les superaba, los Católicos quisieron recuperar terreno, atacando en dos frentes, a "nuestro adversario de Portugal": por la Gran Canaria, con armada a cargo de Juan Rejón y en Guinea.

Not sensing that the hornets' nest was beyond them, the Catholics sought to recover ground, attacking on two fronts against "our adversary of Portugal": in Gran Canaria, with an armada under Juan Rejón, and in Guinea.

"Muy complidero" al real "servicio", sacar "por la mar" el mayor número de barcos posible, "para yr contra nuestros adversarios"^[5], la armada había de superar las de años anteriores.

It being "most obliging" to the royal "service" to take "by sea" the greatest possible number of ships, "to go against our adversaries"^[5], the armada had to surpass those of previous years.

Limitado el celo bélico de los castellanos, se agilizó la concesión de licencias, para "rescatar" en la Mina de Oro, la "Manegueta" y los ríos de Guinea, previa entrega de las preceptivas fianzas, recayendo algunas en cortesanos, como el Duque de Alba.

The warlike zeal of the Castilians being limited, the granting of licences to "barter" in the Gold Mine, the "Manegueta" and the rivers of Guinea was speeded up, upon prior delivery of the requisite sureties, some falling to courtiers such as the Duke of Alba.

Autorizado a fletar carabela de 45 toneladas, para ir a rescatar "oro, esclavos y manegueta", en "todas e qualesquier partes de Guinea, asy a la Mina de Oro" como en los otros "puertos e rescates de toda la dicha Guinea"^[6], puso en venta el permiso en Sevilla, a través de Diego de Atayda, comprando el genovés Francisco Bonaguisa^[7] en 100.000 maravedís, pagaderos 8 días después ancorar de regreso, en el muelle sevillano de la Torre del Oro^[8].

Authorized to charter a caravel of 45 tons, to go and barter "gold, slaves and manegueta" in "all and any parts of Guinea, both at the Gold Mine" and in the other "ports and bartering places of all the said Guinea"^[6], he put the permit up for sale in Seville through Diego de Atayda, the Genoese Francisco Bonaguisa^[7] buying it for 100,000 maravedís, payable 8 days after anchoring on his return at the Seville wharf of the Torre del Oro^[8].

Fieles al principio de que el súbdito nace para servir al rey, no el rey para servir al súbdito, las testas coronadas suelen especializarse, en la organización de la fiesta y la guerra, pagada por los vasallos.

Faithful to the principle that the subject is born to serve the king, not the king to serve the subject, crowned heads usually specialize in the organization of festivity and war, paid for by the vassals.

Lo probó Isabel, tomando en mano la intendencia.

Isabella proved it, taking the commissariat into her own hands.

Los hornos sevillanos de "la torre de Xerez", "que son" en las casas del rey, fueron cerrados al publico, para servicio de las "armadas".

The Seville ovens of "the tower of Xerez", "which are" in the king's houses, were closed to the public, for the service of the "armadas".

Autorizado el alcaide a secuestrar el grano que le pareciese, para convertirlo en bizcocho, embargaría almacenes secos y soleados donde guardarlo, contratando "la más gente que pudiéredes, no alçando la mano de la dicha labor"^[9].

The alcaide being authorized to seize whatever grain he saw fit, to turn it into biscuit, he would commandeer dry and sunny storehouses in which to keep it, hiring "as many people as you can, not lifting your hand from the said labour"^[9].

Apelando a la demagogia, la reina hizo saber, a los sevillanos, que esperaba no ser defraudada, por quienes tanto se distinguían en servirla.

Appealing to demagogy, the queen let the Sevillians know that she expected not to be defrauded by those who distinguished themselves so greatly in serving her.

El 6 de febrero de 1478, Mosén Ihon Boscán, que en 1476 mandaba las "galeas" del Estrecho, fue nombrado capitán mayor de la "flota... para la Guinea y Mina de Oro y para contra la armada que nuestro adversario de Portugal fisiere, para la dicha Guinea"^[10].

On 6 February 1478, Mosén Ihon Boscán, who in 1476 commanded the "galleys" of the Strait, was appointed captain-general of the "fleet... for Guinea and the Gold Mine and against the armada that our adversary of Portugal may make, for the said Guinea"^[10].

Tendría a su cargo cuatro carabelas, embargadas a particulares, que fletó la corona en su beneficio^[11], con cuanto tocase a navegación y guerra, cuidando de capturar, en ruta y los rescates, los barcos que encontrase, sospechosos de acercarse a Guinea, sin las debidas licencias, fuesen "de nuestros reynos o de fuera dellos"^[12].

He would have under his command four caravels, seized from private parties, which the crown chartered for its own benefit^[11], with everything touching on navigation and war, taking care to capture, on the route and at the bartering places, any ships he might find that were suspected of approaching Guinea without the due licences, whether "of our kingdoms or from outside them"^[12].

Superior en lo militar, juez en lo civil y criminal, Boscán usaría vara de justicia.

Superior in military matters, judge in civil and criminal, Boscán would wield the staff of justice.

Capitanes y oficiales habrían de darle pleito homenaje, de obedecer en "todo lo que vos les F

Captains and officers would have to render him liege homage, to obey in "all that you F

mandáredes... e que no se apartarán de vos ni vos dexarán en tiempo alguno, a todo su leal poder"^[13].

may command them... and that they will not depart from you nor leave you at any time, with all their loyal power"^[13].

Suponiendo que se agregarían "algunos caballeros" y maestres, para viajar "con las naos y carabelas de la dicha mi armada, por se ayudar los unos de los otros e yr y venir en salvamento", al ser probable que en las inmediaciones de Guinea, se quisiesen "apartar a algunas partes", en "daño" de los reales intereses, "desde que sean en Sant Lúcar de Barrameda", capitanes y demás gente de los navíos, jurarían "que no se apartarán de la compañía de las otras carabelas de la armada", aceptando pena de muerte y embargo de bienes, caso de intentarlo^[14].

Assuming that "some gentlemen" and masters would join, to travel "with the naos and caravels of the said armada of mine, so as to aid one another and go and come in safety", as it was probable that in the vicinity of Guinea they might wish to "draw off to certain parts", to the "detriment" of the royal interests, "once they are in Sant Lúcar de Barrameda", the captains and the rest of the ships' people would swear "that they will not depart from the company of the other caravels of the armada", accepting the penalty of death and seizure of goods should they attempt it^[14].

Con facultad para separar de sus funciones al maestre o capitán, que hiciese "cosa que no debe", nombrado sustituto, aunque fuese propietario de la embarcación^[15], no la tenía para cesar a los escribanos, que iban en cada carabela, llevando "cuenta e razón, de todo lo que en las dichas carabelas se rescatare", no para narrar las incidencias del viaje.

Having the faculty to remove from his functions the master or captain who did "something he ought not", a substitute being appointed even if he were the owner of the vessel^[15], he did not have it to dismiss the notaries who sailed in each caravel, keeping "account and record of all that might be bartered in the said caravels", not to narrate the incidents of the voyage.

Caso de fallecimiento o enfermedad, designaría sustituto^[16].

In case of death or illness, he would designate a substitute^[16].

La cuestión administrativa quedó a cargo de Berenguer Grander y Francisco Bonaguisa, experto en recates, nombrado responsable de cuantos se hiciesen para la corona.

The administrative side was left in the hands of Berenguer Grander and Francisco Bonaguisa, an expert in barter, appointed responsible for all such as were made for the crown.

Apenas en la mar iniciarían registro minucioso, hurgando en las cajas privadas de mercaderes, patronos, "marineros y otras personas", sin excluir la del capitán mayor.

Scarcely at sea would they begin a minute search, rummaging in the private chests of merchants, masters, "sailors and other persons", without excluding that of the captain-general.

Secuestrado lo que no estuviese registrado en las licencias, asentarían en los libros mercancías y propietarios, antes de llegar a "la Mina de Oro y rescate de la Guinea", donde los escribanos de las carabelas, vigilados por el capitán mayor o sus delegados, harían otro tanto con el "oro e la manegueta e otras cosas, que se rescataren".

Whatever was not registered in the licences being confiscated, they would enter merchandise and owners in the books before arriving at "the Gold Mine and bartering place of Guinea", where the notaries of the caravels, watched by the captain-general or his delegates, would do likewise with the "gold and the manegueta and other things that might be bartered".

"Antes que buelvan acá", Grander y Bonaguisa recaudarían el quinto navegando, por evitar que se perdiese un maravedí, en la confusión de la arribada^[17].

"Before they return here", Grander and Bonaguisa would collect the fifth while under sail, to prevent a single maravedí being lost in the confusion of the arrival^[17].

No habiendo aparecido voluntario en marzo, para "la flota que yo he mandado e mandare armar", la reina publicó seguro.

No volunteer having appeared in March for "the fleet that I have ordered and shall order to be armed", the queen published a safe-conduct.

Los "que así por mi mandado van a la dicha Mina", que han de "yr el dicho viaje que le yo mande facer, para la dicha Mina y por estos mis reynos", vecinos de Palos o "de otros paraxes de mis reinos e señoríos", de los que "entienden, andan e navegan por las mares e puertos e abras" de Castilla, tratando en paños, joyas, hierro, acero, ferraje, lanas, aceite y otros géneros, que se trocaban en "Africa", podrían correr los mares de Castilla, en persona o a través de criados, factores y "paniaguados", sin temor a que los interceptase el Almirante Mayor, sus lugartenientes o los que "anduviesen de armada", en la seguridad de que ni aún por sentencia judicial, se les podría embargar barco o mercancías^[18], perdiendo lo uno y lo otro, quien embarcase cosas vedadas o admitiese tripulantes franceses, portugueses u "otros enemigos de mis reynos".

Those "who thus by my command go to the said Mine", who are to "make the said voyage that I order to be made, to the said Mine and through these my kingdoms", residents of Palos or "of other places of my kingdoms and lordships", among those who "understand, go about and navigate the seas and ports and abras" of Castile, dealing in cloths, jewels, iron, steel, ironwork, wools, oil and other wares that were exchanged in "Africa", might ply the seas of Castile, in person or through servants, factors and "paniaguados", without fear of being intercepted by the High Admiral, his lieutenants or those who "went in armada", in the assurance that not even by judicial sentence could their ship or merchandise be seized^[18], losing one and the other whoever embarked forbidden goods or admitted French, Portuguese or "other enemies of my kingdoms" as crewmen.

Los integrantes de la flota, no fueron eximidos de depositar fianzas y presentar fiadores, que fuesen vecinos de realengo, "llanos, abonados y contiosos", como garantía de "que non farán mal ni daño, a amigos" y aliados de la corona, en la mar o en la tierra.

The members of the fleet were not exempted from depositing sureties and presenting bondsmen who were residents of crown lands, "plain, solvent and substantial", as a guarantee "that they will do no harm or damage to friends" and allies of the crown, on sea or on land.

De causarlo y resultar insuficiente el depósito, aceptarían que les fuesen embargados y subastados bienes, en cuantía suficiente para reparar.

Should they cause it and the deposit prove insufficient, they would accept that goods be seized from them and auctioned in quantity sufficient to make reparation.

"Asy a la yda a la dicha Mina, como en la estada o en la tornada", o en cualquier parte de "los dichos mys reinos e señoríos por donde andan", tendrían que capturar a los que se acercasen a los rescates, sin la debida licencia^[19].

"Both on the going to the said Mine, and in the stay or in the return", or in any part of "the said my kingdoms and lordships through which they pass", they would have to capture those who approached the bartering places without the due licence^[19].

Queriendo forzar la participación en la flota, los reyes recordaron que habiendo "declarado pertenescernos la conquista de Africa e Guinea, e que la avíamos tomado", nadie podría salir en barco "suelto", "a faser la guerra ni a rescatar ni levar marcadurías"^[20].

Wishing to force participation in the fleet, the kings recalled that, having "declared the conquest of Africa and Guinea to belong to us, and that we had taken it", no one might put to sea in a "loose" ship, "to make war or to barter or to carry merchandise"^[20].

Pero promesas y amenazas, fueron de nulo efecto, acudiendo la corona a embargo expeditivo, negado por las crónicas, pero probado en las fuentes documentales.

But promises and threats were of no effect, the crown resorting to summary seizure, denied by the chronicles but proven in the documentary sources.

Cansado de padecerlos, el mercader burgalés Francisco de Avila, abandonó bienes y raíces, para naturalizarse bretón.

Weary of suffering them, the Burgos merchant Francisco de Avila abandoned goods and roots to become a naturalized Breton.

Estando en el ducado de Bretaña, centro de factores y mercaderes castellanos, contó que "nos avíamos mandado tomar ciertos navíos", para ir a la Mina.

Being in the duchy of Brittany, a centre of Castilian factors and merchants, he told that "we had ordered certain ships to be taken", to go to the Mine.

Sabido que el gasto de la aventura, correría por cuenta de la "avería"^[21], repartido sobre el valor estimado de las mercancías, que transitasen por puertos de Castilla, los factores vendieron las que tenían acopiadas, con destino al reino, al ser menor la pérdida, que si "las tomasen en pago de los dichos navíos, que así dixeron habían tomado".

It being known that the expense of the venture would be charged to the "avería"^[21], apportioned over the estimated value of the merchandise passing through the ports of Castile, the factors sold those they had stockpiled, destined for the kingdom, the loss being smaller than if "they were taken in payment of the said ships, which they thus said had been taken".

Afectados los mercaderes de Burgos por la recesión de la oferta, denunciaron al deslenguado, culpable por ventear de fronteras a fuera, secretos de la alcoba nacional.

The merchants of Burgos being hit by the shrinking of supply, they denounced the loose-tongued man, guilty of venting beyond the frontiers secrets of the national bedchamber.

No estando Avila a la mano, el castigo quedó en secuestro, de

Avila not being at hand, the punishment was limited to the seizure of

lo que dejó a su espalda^[22].

what he had left behind him^[22].

Llamándose "Guisabel", con coquetería inesperada, la Católica eliminó la competencia.

Calling herself "Guisabel", with unexpected coquetry, the Catholic eliminated the competition.

El particular que intentase rescatar, antes de haber terminado de cargar las cuatro carabelas de la corona o se adelantase, entrando con su barco en el "Río de los Esclavos.., primero que las mías", perdería navío y carga^[23].

The private party who attempted to barter before the crown's four caravels had finished loading, or who got ahead of them, entering with his ship into the "Río de los Esclavos..., before mine", would lose ship and cargo^[23].

Valoradas las "conchas" por los dueños del oro, aparecen por primera vez en la documentación.

The "shells" being prized by the owners of the gold, they appear for the first time in the documentation.

Enterada la reina de que los mercaderes llevaban "muchas", pretextó que al no ser "buenas y otras de muchas suertes baxas en tal manera", que si las ofreciesen "primero que las conchas que io e mandado e mando llevar.., éstas no se podrían vender ni despachar y se perdería el caudal y costas", "fasta que las conchas que asy van por mí en la dicha armada, sean primeramente despachadas y vendidas", ningún particular podría enseñarlas, so pena de perderlas, para la real hacienda^[24].

The queen, informed that the merchants were carrying "many", alleged that, these not being "good, and others of many very low grades to such a degree", if they offered them "before the shells that I have ordered and order to be carried..., these could not be sold or disposed of and the capital and costs would be lost", "until the shells that thus go on my behalf in the said armada are first disposed of and sold", no private party might show them, on pain of losing them to the royal exchequer^[24].

A 13 de mayo se concedió licencia a Beatriz de Bobadilla, mujer de Andrés de Cabrera, para fletar carabela, con destino a los rescates de Guinea^[25].

On 13 May, licence was granted to Beatriz de Bobadilla, wife of Andrés de Cabrera, to charter a caravel bound for the bartering places of Guinea^[25].

Estaban flota y armada a "la colla" para zarpar, cuando llegó real albalá, dirigida a los justicias de las Canarias y al matrimonio Herrera - Peraza.

Fleet and armada were "a la colla" (in a body), ready to sail, when a royal albalá arrived, addressed to the justices of the Canaries and to the Herrera-Peraza couple.

Informaba la reina, de que habiendo mandado "ciertas caravelas.. a la Guinea y a la Mina de Oro, y asy mismo contra portugueses", deseando "llevar muchas conchas para la dicha Mina de Oro, para las rescatar allá", el Concejo de las islas daría a Bonaguisa y Grander, braceros y bestias para acopiarlas, sin cobrar gastos de personal ni moluscos.

The queen informed them that, having sent "certain caravels... to Guinea and to the Gold Mine, and likewise against Portuguese", wishing "to carry many shells to the said Gold Mine, to barter them there", the Council of the islands would give Bonaguisa and Grander labourers and beasts to gather them, charging neither personnel costs nor for the molluscs.

El vecino que tuviese conchas, habría de venderlas a los oficiales de rey, "a precio acomodado", fijado al margen de la oferta y la demanda, pues ningún particular estaba autorizado a comprar, mientras quedase hueco en las reales carabelas^[26].

The resident who had shells would have to sell them to the king's officers, "at a fitting price", fixed at the margin of supply and demand, since no private party was authorized to buy while there remained room in the royal caravels^[26].

Al margen del invento colombino, pues falleció en mayo de 1492, Pulgar habla de flota de 35 velas, que fue a "rescatar" en la "Mina de Oro".

Apart from the Columban invention, since he died in May 1492, Pulgar speaks of a fleet of 35 sails, which went to "barter" at the "Gold Mine".

Ocultando el embargo, cuenta que "muchos mercaderes e otras personas", acudieron de su voluntad, dispuestos a "sofrir el largo camino de la mar", por no perder la ocasión de enriquecerse^[27].

Concealing the seizure, he recounts that "many merchants and other persons" came forward of their own will, ready to "suffer the long road of the sea", so as not to miss the occasion to enrich themselves^[27].

Conocidas las preferencias de los nativos, cargaron "ropas viejas", almireces, manillas de latón y "conchas de las que se cogían en Canarias"^[28].

The preferences of the natives being known, they loaded "old clothes", mortars, brass manillas and "shells of those gathered in the Canaries"^[28].

Por olvido o confundido, saca la flota de Sevilla^[29], nombrando capitán mayor a Pedro Covides, quizá por estar las armadas, a cargo de Juan de Covides^[30].

Through forgetfulness or confusion, he has the fleet sail from Seville^[29], naming Pedro Covides captain-general, perhaps because the armadas were in the charge of Juan de Covides^[30].

No fecha el suceso, pero al decir que la flota navegó con la primera armada, que fue a conquistar Gran Canaria, podemos situarlo en 1478, aunque también se equivoque de capitán mayor, poniendo a Pedro de Vera, conquistador en 1480, en lugar de Juan Rejón.

He does not date the event, but as he says that the fleet sailed with the first armada that went to conquer Gran Canaria, we can place it in 1478, although he also mistakes the captain-general, putting Pedro de Vera, conqueror in 1480, in place of Juan Rejón.

Bernáldez no alude al suceso, pero lo menciona Fernández de Oviedo.

Bernáldez does not allude to the event, but Fernández de Oviedo mentions it.

Persistente el recuerdo, en la memoria popular, quiso borrarlo, sembrando la confusión.

The recollection being persistent in the popular memory, he sought to erase it by sowing confusion.

Declarada imaginaria la flota de 35 velas, que en tiempo de los Católicos, fue a "descubrir otras islas, mayores mucho que las Canarias, que tienen minas de oro e se saca mucho en ellas e muy bueno", da por supuesto que el pueblo creyó capitán mayor a un Pedro Colón, al que nadie menciona.

The fleet of 35 sails, which in the time of the Catholics went to "discover other islands, much larger than the Canaries, which have gold mines and much and very good gold is taken from them", being declared imaginary, he takes for granted that the people believed a certain Pedro Colón, whom no one mentions, to have been captain-general.

Para inducirle a salir del error, reduce las carabelas a tres, las saca de Palos y pone al frente a Cristóbal Colón.

To induce them out of the error, he reduces the caravels to three, has them sail from Palos and puts Christopher Columbus at their head.

Esto no le impide admitir que la tal flota, tardó 60 días en llegar a "tierras muy apartadas de España, en las cuales todos los que de acá van, afirman que hay antípodas, debajo de nuestro hemisferio"^[31], coincidiendo con Pulgar, según el cual las 35 velas, tardaron dos meses en llegar a la Mina.

This does not prevent him from admitting that the said fleet took 60 days to reach "lands very far from Spain, in which all who go from here affirm that there are antipodes, beneath our hemisphere"^[31], coinciding with Pulgar, according to whom the 35 sails took two months to reach the Mine.

Feliz el rescate, regresaban "con gran suma de oro", cuando cayeron en celada de portugueses, sin escapar un navío.

The barter being fortunate, they were returning "with a great sum of gold" when they fell into a Portuguese ambush, not a single ship escaping.

Que ubique la desgracia en el año "antepasado"^[32], prueba que se enteró en 1480, cuando fueron puestos en libertad, los prisioneros de la guerra de Guinea.

That he places the misfortune in the year "before last"^[32] proves that he learned of it in 1480, when the prisoners of the Guinea war were set free.

Costumbre de reyes ocultar fracasos, no sería excepción el de la flota.

It being the custom of kings to hide failures, that of the fleet would be no exception.

Plegándose Pulgar al real dirigismo, prolongó la guerra civil con los seguidores de Juana, aprovechando el oro, para justificar el regreso de los presos.

Pulgar, bending to the royal dirigisme, prolonged the civil war with Joan's followers, availing himself of the gold to justify the return of the prisoners.

Habiendo servido para rearmar al ejército portugués, las tropas de Alfonso V, cruzaron la frontera.

Having served to rearm the Portuguese army, the troops of Afonso V crossed the frontier.

Desbaratadas por el maestre de Santiago, consiguió prisioneros suficientes, para trocarlos por los "presos en las naos"^[33].

Routed by the Master of Santiago, he obtained prisoners enough to exchange them for those "captured in the naos"^[33].

Lo sería Francisco Bonaguisa.

Francisco Bonaguisa would be one.

Demandado por el duque de Alba, a cuenta de los 100.000 maravedís, en que compró la licencia para ir a Guinea, apenas regresó hubo de comparecer ante escribano de Sevilla, declarando que al haberse perdido la carabela, volviendo de la Mina con las demás, no estaba obligado a pagar un maravedí^[34].

Sued by the Duke of Alba on account of the 100,000 maravedís at which he bought the licence to go to Guinea, scarcely had he returned than he had to appear before a notary of Seville, declaring that, the caravel having been lost while returning from the Mine with the others, he was not obliged to pay a single maravedí^[34].

No todos tuvieron igual suerte. Al aparecer en 1485 ciertas cuentas de la armada, el fisco reclamó al piloto Gonzalo Gómez, que navegó en El Laúd, a las órdenes del capitán Alfón Quintero, 12.000 maravedís del quinto de presa, que hicieron a la ida.

Not all had equal luck. When certain accounts of the armada surfaced in 1485, the treasury claimed from the pilot Gonzalo Gómez, who sailed in El Laúd under the orders of Captain Alfón Quintero, 12,000 maravedís of the fifth on the prize they took on the outward voyage.

Al cautiverio en Portugal, siguió prisión en Castilla, por deudas a la hacienda del rey^[35].

To captivity in Portugal followed prison in Castile, for debts to the king's exchequer^[35].

Según todos los indicios, el descalabro se produjo por julio de 1478^[36]

According to all indications, the disaster occurred around July 1478^[36]

^[41]

^[41]

. .

. .

No debían saberlo los Católicos, cuando concedieron al Almirante Alonso Enríquez, licencia para fletar dos carabelas, franca la carga de quintos y otros derechos.

The Catholics must not have known of it when they granted Admiral Alonso Enríquez licence to charter two caravels, the cargo free of fifths and other dues.

Las podría "traer de armada e de mercadería o en otra qualquier manera que quisiéredes", frecuentando los rescates de Guinea, "tanto que no sea a la Mina de Oro".^[37].

He might "employ them in armada and in merchandise or in any other manner you might wish", frequenting the bartering places of Guinea, "so long as it be not to the Gold Mine".^[37].

El 26 de agosto, informada del suceso, "Guisable" dio un paso hacia la paz, ordenando a sus jueces aceptar denuncia del bretón Juan de Mele, vicario de "San Pablo de Laón".

On 26 August, informed of the event, "Guisable" took a step towards peace, ordering her judges to accept the complaint of the Breton Juan de Mele, vicar of "San Pablo de Laón".

Navegaba en septiembre de 1477, al amparo del seguro general, otorgado a los mareantes, "que andan solamente con mercadurías", a más de confiar en la "paz y amistad" de los Católicos, con el Duque de Bretaña, cuando fue robado por vecino de Portugalete, frente a la roca de "Çendra"^[38].

He was sailing in September 1477 under the shelter of the general safe-conduct granted to seafarers "who go only with merchandise", besides trusting in the "peace and friendship" of the Catholics with the Duke of Brittany, when he was robbed by a resident of Portugalete, off the rock of "Çendra"^[38].

Al mes siguiente, los monarcas suavizaron relaciones con los genoveses.

The following month, the monarchs softened relations with the Genoese.

Pedro Calonias, estante en Sevilla, cuya empresa enlazaba Andalucía con su patria, el condado de Flandes y "otras partes.., así de cristianos como de moros", obtuvo permiso para mandar la nao Santa María del Aguila, al Çafy, con mercancías, y "traer de la dicha villa.., poblada de moros, en retorno otras cosas"^[39].

Pedro Calonias, resident in Seville, whose business linked Andalusia with his homeland, the county of Flanders and "other parts..., both of Christians and of Moors", obtained permission to send the nao Santa María del Aguila to Çafy with merchandise, and "to bring from the said town..., peopled by Moors, other things in return"^[39].

Poco después, mercaderes de Marsella, que por tradición familiar, comerciaban en las abras y tierras de Castilla, solicitaron seguro.

Shortly afterwards, merchants of Marseille, who by family tradition traded in the abras and lands of Castile, requested a safe-conduct.

Les fue otorgado, con promesa de que sería respetado, aunque Ruy Reynol, señor del Condado de Provenza, se declarase "por ayudador o valedor" del rey de Francia, en la "guerra que con estos dichos nuestros reynos" mantenía, pudiendo negociar, "no embargante que nos mandemos faser e fagamos guerra, contra los dichos reynos de Francia e Prohencia e contra otra nación alguna"^[40].

It was granted them, with the promise that it would be respected even if Ruy Reynol, lord of the County of Provence, declared himself "a helper or upholder" of the king of France in the "war that with these said our kingdoms" he maintained, being able to trade, "notwithstanding that we order war to be made and do make war against the said kingdoms of France and Provence and against any other nation"^[40].

El 24 de noviembre, los portugueses Fernando de Lemos y Vasco de Gama, fueron autorizados para que "libre y seguramente.., podades venir del dicho Regno de Portogal para estos mis regnos.., camino derecho fasta qualquier puerto de mar, más cercano a la Cibdad de Tanjar", con 15 pasajeros, regresando por la misma vía.

On 24 November, the Portuguese Fernando de Lemos and Vasco de Gama were authorized so that "freely and safely..., you may come from the said Kingdom of Portugal to these my kingdoms..., by the direct road to any seaport nearest to the City of Tangier", with 15 passengers, returning by the same route.

Es posible que hubiesen dado vasallaje a Isabel, pues aún se creía reina de Portugal, El vuelco de la situación se refleja en licencia, concedida al lepero Juan Sánchez.

It is possible that they had sworn vassalage to Isabella, for she still believed herself queen of Portugal, The turn of the situation is reflected in the licence granted to Juan Sánchez of Lepe.

Propietario de ballenel de gavia, comprado a bretón, quiso hacerse mercader.

The owner of a topsail ballenel, bought from a Breton, he wished to become a merchant.

Fue autorizado a "tratar e vender" en cualquier puerto, "asy en levante como en poniente", a condición de no ir "al reyno de Portogal ni a la Mina de Oro e resgate de la manegueta"^[42].

He was authorized to "trade and sell" in any port, "both in the Levant and in the west", on condition of not going "to the kingdom of Portugal or to the Gold Mine and barter of the manegueta"^[42].

Ascendido Antón Rodríguez Lillo a oidor y después a chanciller, el 19 de noviembre de 1478, le reemplazó Alfón González de Guadalajara, como receptor del quinto.

Antón Rodríguez Lillo having been promoted to oidor and then to chancellor, on 19 November 1478 he was replaced by Alfón González de Guadalajara as receiver of the fifth.

Lo sería en las provincias eclesiásticas de Sevilla, Cádiz y las islas Canarias, pleiteando para cobrar las deudas acumuladas, por lo "que traen e suelen traer de las partes, donde nos avemos de aver los dichos quintos", así como "de embarrancamientos de navíos y de las presas, que se hacían en la mar", a portugueses y "a los moros de allende e aquende"^[43].

He would be so in the ecclesiastical provinces of Seville, Cádiz and the Canary Islands, litigating to collect the accumulated debts on what "they bring and are wont to bring from the parts where we are to have the said fifths", as well as "from strandings of ships and from the prizes taken at sea" from Portuguese and "from the Moors beyond and on this side"^[43].

Excluida del nombramiento la Guinea, fue autorizado separadamente, a expedir licencias para "yr y embiar yr a... las partes de Guinea e de la Mina de Oro, e a las partes del rescate de la Manegueta", previo depósito del quinto "a nos perteneciente.., de los navíos que a ella fuesen e mercadurías que de aquellas partes truxesen", importando "esclavos y dientes de elefante, e no otra cosa"^[44], mención que nos hubiese hundido en la perplejidad, de no contar con el testimonio de Bernaldo de Ibarra, vecino de Santiago, quizá de Laón o Caracas, que certifica de la presencia de estos paquidermos, en la comarca de su residencia^[45].

Guinea being excluded from the appointment, he was separately authorized to issue licences to "go and send to go to... the parts of Guinea and of the Gold Mine, and to the parts of the barter of the Manegueta", upon prior deposit of the fifth "belonging to us..., from the ships that went there and merchandise they might bring from those parts", importing "slaves and elephants' teeth, and nothing else"^[44], a mention that would have sunk us in perplexity had we not the testimony of Bernaldo de Ibarra, resident of Santiago, perhaps of Laón or Caracas, who certifies the presence of these pachyderms in the district of his residence^[45].

Poseedor de las Islas del Cabo de Aguer, que la corona deseaba libres de particulares, Enrique de Guzmán intuyó que tendría problemas en sus puertos.

Possessor of the Islands of Cabo de Aguer, which the crown wished free of private hands, Enrique de Guzmán sensed that he would have problems in his ports.

Siendo su primera obligación avituallar a los vasallos de Allende, buscó amparo en la propiedad colectiva, comprando un dozavo de la jurisdicción de Palos, a Fernando de Estúñiga.

His first obligation being to provision the vassals of Allende (the lands beyond the sea), he sought refuge in collective property, buying a twelfth of the jurisdiction of Palos from Fernando de Estúñiga.

Aceptado el precio exorbitante de 2.200.000 maravedís, la escritura se firmó el 25 de enero de 1479, celebrándose la toma de posesión, en la iglesia de San Jorge.

The exorbitant price of 2.200.000 maravedís having been accepted, the deed was signed on 25 January 1479, the taking of possession being celebrated in the church of San Jorge.

Entre los regidores, último de la lista, aparece Martín Alonso Pinzón^[1].

Among the councilors, last on the list, appears Martín Alonso Pinzón^[1].

Como en años anteriores, Isabel quiso sacar "armada por la mar, contra el rey e reyno de Portugal".

As in previous years, Isabella wished to send out a "fleet by sea, against the king and kingdom of Portugal".

Falta de barcos y dinero, el cabildo de Sevilla fue conminado a facilitar dos cuentos de maravedís, con cargo a la renta de propios.

Lacking ships and money, the municipal council of Seville was enjoined to provide two cuentos (millions) of maravedís, charged against the revenue of its propios (municipal properties).

Entregado cuento y medio, con promesa de dar el resto en breve, el Doctor Alcoçer, que tenía a su cargo las armadas, avaló vituallas y pertrechos, a título personal, entrampándose para poner a punto los navíos^[2].

One and a half cuentos having been delivered, with a promise to give the rest shortly, Doctor Alcoçer, who was in charge of the fleets, guaranteed victuals and supplies in his personal capacity, falling into debt to ready the ships^[2].

Entretanto en Bilbao, Andrés de León preparó "ciertas fustas", para ir "de armada contra el adversario de Portugal e la gente portuguesa e les faser guerra".

Meanwhile in Bilbao, Andrés de León prepared "certain fustas", to go "on a fleet against the adversary of Portugal and the Portuguese people and to make war on them".

No encontrando voluntarios, pidió privilegio de "omecillo".

Finding no volunteers, he requested the privilege of "omecillo".

Concedido "para que mejor ubiese aver gente, para las dichas fustas", los monarcas probaron su optimismo, al exigir un año de servicio en contienda, que duraría bastante menos^[3].

Granted "so that he might the better be able to have men for the said fustas", the monarchs proved their optimism by requiring a year of service in a conflict that would last rather less^[3].

Al no acudir embarcaciones a la "armada, que mandamos faser" "contra el rey e reyno de Francia", los monarcas decretaron embargo, sin caer en que los vascos no admitían imposiciones, con la sumisión andaluza^[4].

As no vessels came forward for the "fleet, which we ordered to be made" "against the king and kingdom of France", the monarchs decreed an embargo, failing to realize that the Basques did not accept impositions with Andalusian submissiveness^[4].

En punto muerto la guerra, los veteranos de la mar, regresaron a sus ocupaciones, buscando socios Charles de Valera, para fletar armazón, "que anduviese en el tráfago de moros de allende".

The war at a standstill, the veterans of the sea returned to their occupations, Charles de Valera seeking partners to charter an armed vessel "that would engage in the traffic of Moors from beyond the sea".

Consiguiendo, entre otros, al propio Alcoçer, capturó saetía con 78 moros de ambos sexos, miel y mercancías diversas^[5].

Enlisting, among others, Alcoçer himself, he captured a saetía with 78 Moors of both sexes, honey, and various merchandise^[5].

Cerrada de facto la costa de Guinea a los castellanos, los armadores que escaparon al desastre. se dedicaron a robar.

The Guinea coast having been closed de facto to the Castilians, the shipowners who escaped the disaster turned to robbery.

Activos onubenses y vascos, Juan Martín de Monja, de Palos, formó armazón con carabela de Moguer, atrapando el barco de Felipe Barques, inglés de "Promua", "posado sobre ancores", en el puerto gallego de Muros.

The men of Huelva and the Basques being active, Juan Martín de Monja, of Palos, formed an armed company with a caravel from Moguer, trapping the ship of Felipe Barques, an Englishman from "Promua", "riding at anchor", in the Galician port of Muros.

Con carga de vino, se hizo sospechoso por llevar sal.

Laden with wine, it made itself suspect by carrying salt.

Estando firmada la paz con Inglaterra, los socios salieron condenados a la horca^[6], salvando la cabeza porque los reyes no publicaron la derrota, queriendo ocultarla.

Peace having been signed with England, the partners were sentenced to the gallows^[6], saving their heads because the monarchs did not publish the defeat, wishing to hide it.

En marzo de 1479, Iohon Beloque y consortes, mercaderes de San Juan de Luz, armaron "so el seguro de la buena paz e amistad, que entre el dicho Rey de Francia e el Rey mi señor e yo... está firmada e jurada".

In March 1479, Iohon Beloque and consorts, merchants of San Juan de Luz, fitted out "under the safeguard of the good peace and friendship that between the said King of France and the King my lord and myself... is signed and sworn".

Les asaltaron dos carabelas y un barco luengo, con gente de Palos, Huelva y Moguer.

They were assaulted by two caravels and a long ship, with men from Palos, Huelva, and Moguer.

Aceptada la denuncia en agosto, los corsarios escaparon con bien, por la razón antedicha^[7].

The complaint having been admitted in August, the corsairs escaped with their booty, for the aforementioned reason^[7].

En el mismo mes, Juan Solana y Guillermo Papín, vecinos de Londres, creyéndose "salvos e seguros so nuestro amparo, por las pases que estos nuestros reinos tienen con el rey e reino de Inglaterra, juradas e publicadas e mandadas guardar", se metieron en Praya, puerto de la Tercera, "que dis que se dice Jhon", con carabela de 45 toneladas.

In the same month, Juan Solana and Guillermo Papín, residents of London, believing themselves "safe and secure under our protection, by the peaces that these our kingdoms have with the king and kingdom of England, sworn and published and ordered to be kept", put into Praya, the port of Tercera, "which they say is called Jhon", with a caravel of 45 tons.

Cargados 6 moyos de pan, aguardaban entrada de grano, hasta completar los 60, que pensaban vender en la rivera de la mar, donde encontrasen mayor ventaja, pero truncaron sus planes tres carabelas de Palos y Huelva, la una al mando de Pedro Quintero, causándoles quebranto de 150.000 maravedís^[8].

Loaded with 6 moyos of bread, they were awaiting an arrival of grain, to complete the 60 they planned to sell along the seacoast, wherever they found the greatest advantage, but their plans were cut short by three caravels from Palos and Huelva, one under the command of Pedro Quintero, causing them a loss of 150.000 maravedís^[8].

Habiendo permitido la muerte de Juan II de Aragón, en enero de 1479, disimular la eliminación de una corona de Portugal, virtualmente perdida, con la incorporación de las aragonesas, permitió a los Católicos remendar sus encabezamientos, antes de firmar la paz de Alcaçobas, el 4 de septiembre.

The death of John II of Aragon in January 1479 having allowed them to disguise the elimination of a virtually lost crown of Portugal, the incorporation of the Aragonese crowns allowed the Catholic Monarchs to patch up their encabezamientos (tax quotas), before signing the peace of Alcaçobas on 4 September.

Por primera vez, la corona de Castilla aceptó el reparto del reino de Fez, decretado por los pontífices.

For the first time, the crown of Castile accepted the division of the kingdom of Fez decreed by the pontiffs.

Quedó a los Católicos la conquista de Granada, con "Reino" ultramarino adjunto, que comprendía Gran Canaria, Tenerife, Palma, Fuerteventura, Lanzarote, Gomera, Hierro, Graciosa, "e todas las otras Yslas de Canaria, ganadas e por ganar", jurando en nombre propio y de sus sucesores, no ir en "público ni en secreto", contra la "posesión e casi posesión"^[9], que tenía el rey de Portugal, de "todos los tratos, tierras e rescates de Guinea, con sus minas de oro", la "ysla de la Madera, Puerto Santo e Desyerto e todas las Yslas de los Açores e Yslas de las Flores, cabe las Yslas de Cabo Verde.., e todas las Yslas que agora son descubiertas e qualesquier yslas que se P

The Catholic Monarchs were left with the conquest of Granada, with an overseas "Kingdom" attached, comprising Gran Canaria, Tenerife, Palma, Fuerteventura, Lanzarote, Gomera, Hierro, Graciosa, "and all the other Canary Islands, won and to be won", swearing in their own name and in that of their successors not to go, "in public or in secret", against the "possession and quasi-possession"^[9] that the king of Portugal held of "all the trade, lands, and barters of Guinea, with its gold mines", the "island of Madeira, Porto Santo, and Deserta, and all the Islands of the Azores and Islands of Flores, near the Cape Verde Islands..., and all the Islands that are now discovered and whatsoever islands that may be P

fallasen o conquirieren, de las Yslas de la Canaria para ayuso, contra Guinea... descubiertas e por descubrir", reconociendo "a los dichos rey e príncipe de Portugal e a su reino", el derecho a cuanto se "conquistare o encontrare por aquella parte, allende de lo que es fallado, ocupado o descubierto".

found or conquered, from the Canary Islands downward, toward Guinea... discovered and to be discovered", recognizing "to the said king and prince of Portugal and to his kingdom" the right to whatsoever might be "conquered or found in that part, beyond what has been found, occupied, or discovered".

Hubiese deseado Isabel omitir topónimo, determinante en 1430, pero arcaico tras la caída de los Benimerines, pero lo impuso Portugal: los reyes de Castilla y sus vasallos, "no se entremeterán ny ynprenderán ni querrán entender ni entenderán, en manera alguna, en la conquista del reyno de Fez", pudiendo continuarla el rey y el príncipe de Portugal^[10].

Isabella would have wished to omit the toponym, decisive in 1430 but archaic after the fall of the Benimerines, but Portugal imposed it: the kings of Castile and their vassals "shall not meddle nor undertake nor wish to concern themselves nor concern themselves, in any manner, in the conquest of the kingdom of Fez", which the king and the prince of Portugal might continue^[10].

Ambas coronas impedirían a sus vasallos o extranjeros residentes, meterse en corral ajeno, sin licencia del propietario del quinto, pero les estaría permitido navegar por aguas de las dos conquistas, en ruta a sus puertos o las "escalas de mercadores"^[11], propias del Xarife.

Both crowns would prevent their vassals, or resident foreigners, from trespassing in another's preserve, without license from the owner of the fifth, but they would be permitted to sail through the waters of the two conquests, en route to their ports or to the "merchants' trading posts" (escalas de mercadores)^[11] belonging to the Sharif.

No pudiendo ocultar el acuerdo, Pulgar lo declara efecto de la victoria sobre Juana, extrapolando en el tiempo suceso, ocurrido en 1477, al presentar la pérdida de la Mina de Oro, como cesión graciosa de los Católicos, suponiendo que ordenaron, por propia iniciativa, "que ninguno de los reynos e señoríos del Rey e de la Reyna, fuesen a ella"^[12].

Unable to hide the agreement, Pulgar declares it the effect of the victory over Joan, extrapolating in time an event that occurred in 1477, by presenting the loss of the Gold Mine as a gracious cession on the part of the Catholic Monarchs, supposing that they ordered, on their own initiative, "that none from the kingdoms and lordships of the King and Queen go to it"^[12].

Bernáldez alude a la cuestión, en términos similares: habiendo renunciado Alfonso V al trono de Castilla, los Católicos lo agradecieron, cediéndole la Mina.

Bernáldez alludes to the question in similar terms: Afonso V having renounced the throne of Castile, the Catholic Monarchs thanked him by ceding the Mine to him.

Publicada la paz en Portugal, a 8 de septiembre de 1479, el maestre Martín Alfonso zarpó de Oporto, con carabela "latina", hacia el ducado de Bretaña, llevando cera, miel, aceite y orchilla, de diferentes vecinos.

The peace having been published in Portugal on 8 September 1479, the master Martín Alfonso set sail from Oporto with a "lateen" caravel toward the duchy of Brittany, carrying wax, honey, oil, and orchil belonging to different townsmen.

Navegaba "sobre el seguro de las dichas paces", cuando tropezó con Pedro Ortiz de Bolívar, que habiendo perdido su carabela en la guerra, tenía carta de marca y represalia,^[13] contra portugueses, pues debía capturar los necesarios, para canjearlos por sus propios tripulantes^[14].

He was sailing "under the safeguard of the said peaces", when he ran into Pedro Ortiz de Bolívar, who, having lost his caravel in the war, held a letter of marque and reprisal,^[13] against the Portuguese, since he was to capture as many as necessary to exchange them for his own crewmen^[14].

Anulada por la paz, la ignorancia salvó a Bolívar.

Annulled by the peace, ignorance saved Bolívar.

Silenciada la derrota, los monarcas se limitaron a suspender la expedición de licencias, para ir a la Mina y rescates de Guinea, dando lugar a que navíos, autorizados en último momento, zarpasen hacia la conquista portuguesa, en los días que precedieron y siguieron a la firma del tratado.

The defeat having been silenced, the monarchs limited themselves to suspending the issuance of licenses to go to the Mine and the barters of Guinea, giving rise to ships, authorized at the last moment, setting sail for the Portuguese conquest in the days that preceded and followed the signing of the treaty.

"Començado a faser e rescatar", fueron apresados en la misma mina, por carabelas de Alfonso V, siendo llevados "al reyno de Portugal", sin atender a seguros ni licencias^[15].

Having "begun to trade and barter", they were seized at the very mine by caravels of Afonso V, being taken "to the kingdom of Portugal", with no heed paid to safe-conducts or licenses^[15].

Enterados en Lisboa de que Guinea había cambiado de dueño, notificaron la novedad a los armadores.

Informed in Lisbon that Guinea had changed owners, they notified the news to the shipowners.

Afectado el burgalés Alonso Tamayo, con participación en flotilla, armada con el lugarteniente del Almirante y el vallisoletano Alonso de Medina, formada por la Bolandra, la Toca^[16] y la Buenavista, capturada a los portugueses en 1476, que fletó Medina, acudiendo a fiadores, entre los "habitantes en Andalucía"^[17], queriendo salvar su hacienda, propuso al gremio pagar a escote emisario, que expusiese la situación ante los reyes.

Alonso Tamayo of Burgos being affected, with a share in a flotilla armed together with the Admiral's lieutenant and Alonso de Medina of Valladolid, made up of the Bolandra, the Toca^[16] and the Buenavista, captured from the Portuguese in 1476, which Medina had chartered, resorting to bondsmen among the "inhabitants of Andalusia"^[17], wishing to save his fortune, he proposed to the guild paying jointly for an emissary, who would lay the situation before the monarchs.

Designado Luis de Córdoba, mercader de Sevilla, pidió a los monarcas, en nombre de "todos los dueños de las dichas carabelas o los más dellos", que sacasen del apuro a los que fueron a "la Mina de Oro e rescates de la Guinea", habiendo depositado fianzas, a cambio de licencia y real seguro, libradas cuando la guerra estaba virtualmente perdida.

Luis de Córdoba, a merchant of Seville, having been designated, asked the monarchs, in the name of "all the owners of the said caravels or most of them", to relieve from their plight those who had gone to "the Gold Mine and the barters of Guinea", having deposited bonds in exchange for license and royal safe-conduct, issued when the war was virtually lost.

Grave el escándalo, los Católicos entregaron carta a Córdoba, dirigida al rey de Portugal, en la que suplicaban la libertad de los atrapados^[18].

The scandal being grave, the Catholic Monarchs gave Córdoba a letter addressed to the king of Portugal, in which they begged for the freedom of those trapped^[18].

Absurdo arruinar a los que habrían de aportarle quintos, Alfonso V consintió, poniendo por condición que tocasen en Lisboa, para quintar en la Casa da Mina, quedando al margen la Buenavista, por haber sido robada a portugués^[19].

It being absurd to ruin those who would have to pay him fifths, Afonso V consented, setting as a condition that they call at Lisbon to pay the fifth at the Casa da Mina, the Buenavista being left aside for having been stolen from a Portuguese^[19].

Imposible aplicar lo acordado, sin confesar la derrota, el 16 de diciembre de 1479, Isabel mandó liberar a los prisioneros de guerra, en un plazo de 30 días^[20], publicando la paz el 18, disimulado el descalabro, bajo apariencias de convenio: "al tiempo que se fisieron e asentaron las dichas paces, fue asentado e acordado que la dicha Mina de Oro e rescates de la Guinea, quedasen con los dichos reyes e príncipe de Portugal... porque entonces no se supo la partida de vosotros, para la dicha Mina, no se capituló ni asentó cosa alguna, para la seguridad vuestra, ni a quién aviádes de acudir con el quinto, de lo que de la dicha Mina truxiésedes".

It being impossible to apply what had been agreed without confessing the defeat, on 16 December 1479 Isabella ordered the prisoners of war freed within a term of 30 days^[20], publishing the peace on the 18th, the debacle disguised under the appearance of an accord: "at the time the said peaces were made and settled, it was settled and agreed that the said Gold Mine and barters of Guinea should remain with the said kings and prince of Portugal... because your departure for the said Mine was not then known, nothing was capitulated or settled for your security, nor to whom you were to turn with the fifth of what you might bring from the said Mine".

Admitida omisión, perjudicial para los que "fuistes a la Guinea e rescate e Mina del Oro", los reyes confesaron haberse enterado del suceso, "después de fechas e asentadas las dichas pases", a través de Luis de Córdoba.

An omission having been admitted, prejudicial to those who "went to Guinea and the barter and Mine of Gold", the monarchs confessed that they had learned of the event "after the said peaces were made and settled", through Luis de Córdoba.

Habiéndose apresurado a conseguir seguro de Alfonso V, para que "libremente podades venir con vuestras fustas e rescates e mercadurías"^[21], fueron más lejos,

Having hastened to obtain a safe-conduct from Afonso V, so that "you may freely come with your fustas and barter goods and merchandise"^[21], they went further,

consiguiendo que el rey portugués nombrase apoderados, en "los puertos de nuestros reinos", para que los castellanos pudiesen quintar, sin dar un rodeo por Lisboa, amabilidad agradecida con advertencia de que el intento de ocultar mercancías, sería severamente castigado^[22].

obtaining that the Portuguese king appoint attorneys in "the ports of our kingdoms", so that the Castilians could pay the fifth without making a detour through Lisbon, a kindness acknowledged with the warning that any attempt to conceal merchandise would be severely punished^[22].

El 14 de marzo de 1480, Alfonso V apoderó a Diego de Melo, asistente de Sevilla y Gonzalo Saavedra, hijo del difunto comendador, como "cogedores" del quinto.

On 14 March 1480, Afonso V empowered Diego de Melo, asistente of Seville, and Gonzalo Saavedra, son of the late comendador, as "collectors" of the fifth.

Tenían repartidos factores en los puertos andaluces, encargados de registrar los barcos, que partieron hacia la Guinea, "antes de la publicación de las paces", cuando estalló la indignación entre los mercaderes, al saber que no les serían descontadas las fianzas, depositadas en el doctor Alcoçer^[23], para poder ir al "rescate de la Mina de Oro e Yslas de Guinea".

They had factors distributed in the Andalusian ports, charged with registering the ships that had departed for Guinea "before the publication of the peaces", when indignation erupted among the merchants upon learning that the bonds deposited with Doctor Alcoçer^[23], in order to be able to go to the "barter of the Gold Mine and Islands of Guinea", would not be deducted from what they owed.

Inevitables los aduladores del poder, lo fueron, en la ocasión, Diego Díaz de Madrid, vecino de Sevilla, y Alfonso de Avila, de Valladolid, armadores de la Galeota y la San Telmo.

The flatterers of power being inevitable, on this occasion they were Diego Díaz de Madrid, a resident of Seville, and Alfonso de Avila, of Valladolid, owners of the Galeota and the San Telmo.

Por hacerse bien quistos, aceptaron la real orden por escrito, con condición de que se mantuviese la promesa del Almirante, de perdonarles el cuarto del quinto, de lo que traían de las "dichas yslas e Mina de Oro"^[24].

To make themselves well liked, they accepted the royal order in writing, on condition that the Admiral's promise be kept, to forgive them a quarter of the fifth of what they brought from the "said islands and Gold Mine"^[24].

Alabado y publicado el ejemplo, no cundió entre el gremio, que insistió en reclamar el descuento de sus depósitos.

The example having been praised and publicized, it did not catch on among the guild, which insisted on claiming the deduction of their deposits.

La carabela de Juan Martín de la Monja, entró a finales de marzo.

The caravel of Juan Martín de la Monja entered at the end of March.

Habiendo zarpado seis meses atrás, pudo probar que abandonó los rescates de Guinea, antes de las paces.

Having set sail six months earlier, he was able to prove that he had left the barters of Guinea before the peace.

Si el viaje terminó en los tribunales, se debió a denuncia de Francisco de Alfaro y Juan de Luença, escribanos de raciones en el navío, nombrados por el doctor Alcoçer.

If the voyage ended in the courts, it was due to a denunciation by Francisco de Alfaro and Juan de Luença, rations scribes on the vessel, appointed by Doctor Alcoçer.

Privilegio de los escribanos llevar mercancías, "libres de todas costas e averías, para que en ninguna de ellas no contribuyesen", siendo francos los rescates, que hiciesen en la Mina de Oro, estaban "en la mar, bien quinientas leguas destos nuestro reynos", cuando De la Monja registró sus cajas, sin atender a las cartas y patentes, que probaban la exención de "costas y espensas".

It being the scribes' privilege to carry merchandise "free of all costs and charges, so that they should contribute to none of them", the barter they might conduct at the Gold Mine being exempt, they were "at sea, a good five hundred leagues from these our kingdoms", when De la Monja searched their chests, without heeding the letters and patents that proved their exemption from "costs and expenses".

Para remate, en el "rodeo de la Mina", les secuestró lote de "ropa", comprado en Andalucía por 10.000 maravedís, que valía "sesenta mil.. a la sazón, en el rescate"^[25].

To cap it all, on the "return circuit of the Mine", he confiscated from them a lot of "cloth", bought in Andalusia for 10.000 maravedís, which was worth "sixty thousand... at the time, in the barter"^[25].

A 4 de abril, no habiendo entrado barco, de los que rescataron hecha la paz, Fernando encareció el quinto: "a mí es fecha relación que de la Mina de Oro e rescate de la Guinea, son venidos e se esperan venir al puerto de Sanlúcar de Barrameda e de Palos e Moguer e al Puerto de Santa María, e Huelva e otros puertos de la mar de la provincia de Andalucía", las carabelas comprendidas en "cierto asiento e concordia", por el cual el rey de Portugal "ha de aver el tercio de todo".

On 4 April, no ship having yet come in, of those that had traded after the peace was made, Ferdinand raised the price of the fifth: "report has been made to me that from the Gold Mine and the barter of Guinea there have come, and are expected to come, to the port of Sanlúcar de Barrameda and of Palos and Moguer and to El Puerto de Santa María, and Huelva and other seaports of the province of Andalusia", the caravels comprised in "a certain agreement and concord", by which the king of Portugal "is to have a third of everything".

Elevado el 20% habitual, al 33%, sin causa ni razón, el Católico nombró receptor de los dineros, a "mi criado" Alonso Sedano.

The usual 20% having been raised to 33%, without cause or reason, the Catholic Monarch appointed as receiver of the moneys "my servant" Alonso Sedano.

"Asistiría" con Diego de Melo, "do quier que las dichas caravelas o qualquiera dellas, vinieron o vinieren", haciendo pesquisa "de todo el oro" que traían, para apartar el porcentaje señalado^[26].

He would "attend" together with Diego de Melo, "wherever the said caravels or any of them have come or shall come", making an inquest "of all the gold" they brought, in order to set aside the indicated percentage^[26].

Los mercaderes reaccionaron, negándose a descargar.

The merchants reacted by refusing to unload.

Y los reyes ordenando secuestro de la carga.

And the monarchs ordered the seizure of the cargo.

Depositada en "buenas personas, llanas y abonadas", se tomaría la parte del rey, ante escribano, entregando el resto al propietario.

Deposited with "good persons, honest and solvent", the king's part would be taken before a notary, the rest being delivered to the owner.

Caso de fondear algún barco, procedente de Guinea, antes de que llegase Sedano, sería apremiado, como "todos otros, cuyas eran las dichas cosas".

Should any ship coming from Guinea anchor before Sedano arrived, it would be pressed, like "all the others to whom the said things belonged".

Suponiendo que el Duque de Medina Sidonia y al Marqués de Cádiz, "mis vasallos y de mi consejo", ayudarían a los inobedientes, Fernando les recordó el deber de colaborar, aunque los mantuviese tan al margen de la operación, como al Almirante y sus lugartenientes, a quien les fue prohibido "embargar las dichas caravelas, ni cosa alguna de lo que en ellas vino, por razón del quinto o por otra qualquier cabsa", temiendo que pretendiese su parte^[27].

Supposing that the Duke of Medina Sidonia and the Marquis of Cádiz, "my vassals and of my council", would help the disobedient, Ferdinand reminded them of their duty to collaborate, although he kept them as much on the margins of the operation as the Admiral and his lieutenants, who were forbidden to "embargo the said caravels, nor anything of what came in them, by reason of the fifth or for any other cause", fearing he might claim his share^[27].

Entretanto, el comercio se normalizaba en Lisboa.

Meanwhile, trade was returning to normal in Lisbon.

Rodrigo Alfonso, caballero del rey de Portugal, tratado por los Católicos como miembro "de nuestro consejo", quizá por haberlo sido, solicitó seguro para navegar "desembaraçadamente.., por estos dichos mares e puertos e abras e por cada uno dellos, al dicho reyno de Granada e a las partes de Africa de allende de la mar".

Rodrigo Alfonso, a knight of the king of Portugal, treated by the Catholic Monarchs as a member "of our council", perhaps because he had been one, requested a safe-conduct to sail "unhindered..., through these said seas and ports and coves and through each of them, to the said kingdom of Granada and to the parts of Africa beyond the sea".

Concedido con la prohibición habitual, de llevar material de guerra y grano a los moros, compareció por segunda vez en la corte, a título de consejero y embajador de Alfonso V.

Granted with the customary prohibition on carrying war materiel and grain to the Moors, he appeared a second time at court, in the capacity of counselor and ambassador of Afonso V.

Deseando acabar con "escándalos, tomas y represalias", efecto de las "paces antiguas", que autorizaban a los castellanos, la captura de "los que tratavan con los moros, asy de Granada como de la Bervería", dando lugar a

Wishing to put an end to "scandals, seizures, and reprisals", the effect of the "ancient peaces", which authorized the Castilians to capture "those who traded with the Moors, both of Granada and of Barbary", giving rise to

que practicasen el corso indiscriminadamente, pues "disyendo que yvan al trato de moros, se tomaban navíos que no yvan al dicho trato", consiguió hacer pregonar bula, por la cual se permitía a los "abitantes" de Castilla, Aragón y Portugal, "tratar seguramente con los dichos moros, todas aquellas mercaderías, a que nuestro muy Santo Padre da logar", frecuentando las "escalas de mercadores" y otras radas de infieles, "asy de Granada como de Berbería"^[28].

their practicing privateering indiscriminately, since "by saying they were going to the trade with Moors, ships that were not going to the said trade were seized", he succeeded in having a bull proclaimed, by which the "inhabitants" of Castile, Aragon, and Portugal were permitted to "trade securely with the said Moors, in all those wares to which our most Holy Father gives place", frequenting the "escalas de mercadores" and other roadsteads of infidels, "both of Granada and of Barbary"^[28].

En manos particulares las Canarias menores, empantanada la conquista de Gran Canaria, el quinto de los Católicos quedo reducido a las "presas e tomas, que se fasen por las mares e puertos e abras destos mis reynos".

The lesser Canaries being in private hands and the conquest of Gran Canaria bogged down, the Catholic Monarchs' fifth was reduced to the "prizes and captures made in the seas and ports and coves of these my kingdoms".

En la indigencia el Almirante, Fernando quiso favorecer el corso, recordando a sus vasallos que tanto yendo de "armada, como con sus mercaderías", debían hacer la "guerra a los nuestros enemigos de la nuestra santa fe católica" y a todas las naciones, "con quien no tenemos paz ni aliança", entregando a Enríquez "enteramente", el quinto de las presas^[29].

The Admiral being in penury, Ferdinand wished to favor privateering, reminding his vassals that, whether going "on fleet service or with their merchandise", they should make "war on our enemies of our holy Catholic faith" and on all nations "with whom we have no peace or alliance", handing over to Enríquez "in its entirety" the fifth of the prizes^[29].

Entrado el verano, las carabelas y "fustas"^[30], que el año anterior "eran ydas a la Mina de Oro", continuaban en Lisboa.

Once summer had come, the caravels and "fustas"^[30] that the previous year "had gone to the Gold Mine" were still in Lisbon.

Inquieto Juan de Granada, aprovechó el prestigio adquirido, para convocar armada popular, "contra los portugueses".

An uneasy Juan de Granada took advantage of the prestige he had acquired to summon a popular fleet, "against the Portuguese".

Irían "al encuentro" de "las carabelas, que del reyno de Portugal.., son ydas a la dicha Mina e rescate de la Guinea", recuperando lo perdido, con réditos.

They would go "to meet" "the caravels that from the kingdom of Portugal... have gone to the said Mine and barter of Guinea", recovering what had been lost, with interest.

Velas de Sant Lúcar, Puerto de Santa María, Palos, Moguer y otros pueblos, con tripulaciones dispuestas a tomarse la justicia por su mano alarmaron a los reyes, porque con estos "achaques e colores que quieren dar, para armar las dichas carabelas", un puñado de súbditos podía relanzar la guerra.

Sails from Sanlúcar, Puerto de Santa María, Palos, Moguer, and other towns, with crews ready to take justice into their own hands, alarmed the monarchs, because with these "pretexts and pretenses they wish to give for arming the said caravels", a handful of subjects could relaunch the war.

No estando el reino para bromas, buscaron cabeza capacitada, que abortase el intento, recorriendo los puertos, para amedrentar a los conjurados, encontrando la de Antón Rodríguez Lillo, residente en Sevilla^[31].

The kingdom being in no mood for joking, they sought a capable head to abort the attempt by touring the ports to intimidate the conspirators, finding that of Antón Rodríguez Lillo, a resident of Seville^[31].

Disgregados los navíos, se publicó vieja ordenanza.

The vessels having been dispersed, an old ordinance was published.

Como en otro tiempo, cuantos saliesen a la mar, habrían de depositar fianzas y hacer pleito homenaje, en manos de los justicias de Sevilla o Jerez, ciudades realengas, jurando no arremeter contra portugueses, aliados o vasallos de Castilla.

As in former times, all who put to sea would have to deposit bonds and swear a pleito homenaje (formal sworn pledge), in the hands of the justices of Seville or Jerez, crown cities, swearing not to attack Portuguese, allies, or vassals of Castile.

El responsable del navío, habría de aceptar que de no cubrir el daño, causado voluntaria o involuntariamente, sus bienes fuesen subastados.

The person responsible for the vessel would have to accept that, if he did not cover the damage caused voluntarily or involuntarily, his goods would be auctioned.

De no ser suficiente, completaría el Concejo del lugar, donde estuviese matriculado el navío, de la renta de propios o del bolsillo de los vecinos, en función del caudal de cada uno, de estar la caja vacía. La provisión, fechada a 20 de junio de 1480, dio al traste con las armadas particulares^[32].

Should that not suffice, the Council of the place where the vessel was registered would make up the difference, from the revenue of its propios or from the pocket of the townsmen, in proportion to each one's wealth, should the coffers be empty. The provision, dated 20 June 1480, put an end to the private fleets^[32].

No queriendo perder las fianzas, ni el tercio de la carga, los mercaderes que no fueron arrestados por portugueses, declararon haber terminado sus rescates, antes de que se firmase la paz.

Not wishing to lose the bonds or a third of the cargo, the merchants who had not been arrested by the Portuguese declared that they had finished their barter before the peace was signed.

Sobrando pretextos en la mar, para justificar retrasos, Gonzalo de Saavedra se reveló incapaz de solventar la cuestión.

Pretexts abounding at sea to justify delays, Gonzalo de Saavedra proved incapable of settling the question.

Reemplazado por Jacome Ran, el monarca decretó que cuantos entraron en la primavera, quintasen con los apoderados del Alfonso V.

Replaced by Jacome Ran, the monarch decreed that all who had come in during the spring should pay the fifth to Afonso V's attorneys.

Los que poco antes se permitían deponer y proclamar reyes, se negaron a soltar un chavo, mientras no les fuesen restituidas "ciertas quontías de maravedís", que depositaron cómo garantía, de que "nos avíamos de aver el dicho quinto".

Those who shortly before had presumed to depose and proclaim kings refused to part with a farthing (chavo), until there were restored to them "certain quantities of maravedís" they had deposited as a guarantee that "we were to have the said fifth".

Al asistirles la razón, Fernando se atrinchero en la autoridad: lo pagarían completo al rey de Portugal, "no embargante qualesquier licencias que las carabelas oviesen levado, e qualquier cosa que por ellas oviesen pagado"^[33], siendo ejecutados los bienes del recalcitrante, sin piedad ni juicio.

Right being on their side, Ferdinand entrenched himself in authority: they would pay it in full to the king of Portugal, "notwithstanding whatsoever licenses the caravels may have carried, and whatever they may have paid on account of them"^[33], the goods of the recalcitrant being seized without mercy or trial.

Al no atreverse a ir tan lejos, Ran fue seriamente abroncado: "no lo aveys asy fecho o puesto en obra".

As he did not dare go so far, Ran was severely rebuked: "you have not done it thus or put it into execution".

Acordado en "el segundo asiento de las dichas paces", "quel dicho Príncipe de Portugal e su procurador en su nombre, sea pagado enteramente del dicho quinto", quien no aceptase perder las fianzas, se haría reo de alta traición^[34].

It having been agreed in "the second agreement of the said peaces", "that the said Prince of Portugal and his procurator in his name be paid the said fifth in full", whoever refused to accept the loss of the bonds would be made guilty of high treason^[34].

En junio empezaron a entrar las carabelas de "Sevilla y de Lepe", que fueron al "trato de la Mina de Oro, en el año que pasó de setenta e nueve".

In June the caravels of "Seville and of Lepe" began to come in, which had gone to the "trade of the Gold Mine, in the year past of seventy-nine".

No habiendo tropezado con portugueses, los nueve marineros del San Luis y su capitán Ihon de Córdoba, creyendo rematar travesía rutinaria, al verse arrestados "a la buelta que acá bolvieron", respondiendo mansamente al interrogatorio de Melo y Ran, declararon lo que traían, los nombres de los dueños del oro y de diferentes armadores y mercaderes, relacionados con los "rescates". A consecuencia, fue apremiado el "fasedor" Juan de

Having not run into any Portuguese, the nine sailors of the San Luis and their captain Ihon de Córdoba, believing they were concluding a routine crossing, upon finding themselves arrested "on the return when they came back here", answering meekly to the interrogation of Melo and Ran, declared what they carried, the names of the owners of the gold, and of different shipowners and merchants connected with the "barter". As a consequence, the "fasedor" Juan de

Urchinola, vecino de Sevilla. Y otros muchos^[35].

Urchinola, a resident of Seville, was pressed for payment.

Inventariadas las mercancías, que "son venidas de la dicha Mina del Oro e rescates de la Guinea", en las semanas siguientes, fichados cuantos tenían contacto con Poniente, se cerró la cuenta de "todo el oro y otras cosas", descubriendo que el valor de lo acopiado, estaba lejos de alcanzar las previsiones.

And many others^[35]. The merchandise that "has come from the said Mine of Gold and the barters of Guinea" having been inventoried in the following weeks, all who had dealings with the West (Poniente) having been registered, the account of "all the gold and other things" was closed, it being discovered that the value of what had been amassed was far from reaching expectations.

A consecuencia, cuantos cruzaron la mar, pararon en la cárcel, acusados de ocultación.

As a consequence, all who had crossed the sea ended up in jail, accused of concealment.

Interrogados en presencia de representante de Alfonso V, fueron sometidos a simulacro de juicio, que terminó en embargo general, primer paso hacia la ruina, del viejo gremio de la mar.

Interrogated in the presence of a representative of Afonso V, they were subjected to a mockery of a trial, which ended in a general embargo, the first step toward the ruin of the old guild of the sea.

El poderoso, cuya continuidad está garantizada, por carecer de reemplazo, tiende a someter al vasallo a su conveniencia y las leyes a su voluntad, en lugar de acoplar su voluntad a las leyes y éstas a la justicia.

The powerful man, whose continuity is guaranteed by his lacking a replacement, tends to subject the vassal to his convenience and the laws to his will, instead of accommodating his will to the laws and the laws to justice.

Evidente que hacer pagar dos veces una misma cosa, es estafa, lo haga el rey o su porquero, los Católicos se justificaron, acudiendo a la teología: si el doctor Alcoçer vendió licencias y seguros, para ir a la Mina y Guinea, fue porque tuvo poderes de los reyes, "en el tiempo que nos teníamos guerra con el dicho Rey de Portugal".

It being evident that making the same thing be paid for twice is fraud, whether done by the king or his swineherd, the Catholic Monarchs justified themselves by resorting to theology: if Doctor Alcoçer sold licenses and safe-conducts to go to the Mine and Guinea, it was because he held powers from the monarchs "at the time when we were at war with the said King of Portugal".

Firmada la paz, se disolvió la causa, que producía el efecto.

Once the peace was signed, the cause that produced the effect was dissolved.

Y el hecho cambió "de estado".

And the fact changed "state".

Evaporados los poderes de Alcoçer, entraron en la no existencia, junto con las fianzas, razón por la cual los mercaderes no podían exigir que les fuesen devueltas.

Alcoçer's powers having evaporated, they entered into non-existence, together with the bonds, which is why the merchants could not demand that these be returned to them.

Por la misma causa, los que no pagasen el quinto completo al rey de Portugal, quedarían "presos e bien recabdados, e no los dedes cobro ni fiado, fasta tanto quel dicho príncipe sea pagado de todo lo suso dicho".

For the same reason, those who did not pay the fifth in full to the king of Portugal would remain "prisoners and well secured, and you shall not give them release or credit, until the said prince is paid all the aforesaid".

Se prohibió, a los jueces, admitir apelaciones "o suplicación", tocantes al tema, pero temiendo la desobediencia civil, se vendió esperanza: pagado el rey de Portugal, los que depositaron fianzas en el "dicho doctor de Alcoçer", probado que las recibió "en nuestro nombre", podrían pedir "que los sean tornados los dichos maravedís, que asy pagaron", pues "nos lo mandaremos prover e remediar, como de justicia se fallare que les pertenesce"^[36], con cargo a las rentas de Sevilla, cuando hubiese remanente.

Judges were forbidden to admit appeals "or supplication" touching on the matter, but fearing civil disobedience, hope was sold: once the king of Portugal was paid, those who had deposited bonds with the "said Doctor Alcoçer", having proved that he received them "in our name", could ask "that the said maravedís they thus paid be returned to them", since "we shall order it to be provided and remedied, as justice shall find pertains to them"^[36], charged against the revenues of Seville, when there should be a surplus.

Esta era la ley para los castellanos, cuando el genovés Jerónimo Gentil, estante en Sevilla que no residente, reclamó "cierta quontía de maravedís", depositada en manos de Alcoçer, para sacar un navío, con destino a la Guinea.

This was the law for the Castilians when the Genoese Jerónimo Gentil, present in Seville but not resident, claimed "a certain quantity of maravedís" deposited in the hands of Alcoçer to outfit a vessel bound for Guinea.

Cuidadosos de su imagen exterior, los monarcas incurrieron en descarado agravio comparativo: se le descontaría, pues "nos paresció no ser justicia que otra vez oviese de dar e pagar, enteramente, el dicho quinto, pues una vez nos lo ha ya pagado"^[37].

Careful of their image abroad, the monarchs incurred a flagrant comparative injury: it would be deducted for him, since "it seemed to us not to be justice that he should have to give and pay the said fifth in full a second time, since he has already paid it to us once"^[37].

La carrera del bilbaíno Juan Ochoa, es exponente de las consecuencias, que tuvo el intervencionismo de Estado, en la decadencia del gremio de la mar.

The career of Juan Ochoa of Bilbao is an exponent of the consequences that state interventionism had for the decadence of the guild of the sea.

En 1476, joven y heredado, invirtió 454.000 maravedís, en la compra y flete de una nao, para "andar" en la guerra, al servicio de la corona.

In 1476, young and possessed of inherited wealth, he invested 454.000 maravedís in the purchase and fitting-out of a nao, to "sail" in the war, in the service of the crown.

Capturada por Colón, "capitán del rey de Francia", perdió 420 doblas de oro, a más del rescate de la tripulación y su persona.

Captured by Columbus, "captain of the king of France", he lost 420 gold doblas, besides the ransom of the crew and of his own person.

Compró un segunda barco, en 354.000 maravedís.

He bought a second ship for 354.000 maravedís.

Los reyes mandaron embargarlo, estando en Puerto de Santa María en 1477, cuando visitaron la villa.

The monarchs ordered it embargoed while it was at Puerto de Santa María in 1477, when they visited the town.

Obligado a fletarlo a su costa, estuvo seis meses en la mar, sin hacer presa, perdiendo 454.000 maravedís.

Obliged to outfit it at his own cost, he spent six months at sea without making a prize, losing 454.000 maravedís.

Se preparaba a resarcirse, transportando mercancías ajenas, cuando los Católicos, entonces en Sevilla, hicieron secuestrar todas las embarcaciones, para la flota de 1478.

He was preparing to recoup himself by transporting others' merchandise, when the Catholic Monarchs, then in Seville, had all vessels seized for the fleet of 1478.

Habiendo ido al Río de los Esclavos, "contra su voluntad.., dis que se perdió en la dicha Mina... con el armada", con quebranto de 300.000 maravedís.

Having gone to the Río de los Esclavos (River of Slaves), "against his will..., they say it was lost at the said Mine... with the fleet", with a loss of 300.000 maravedís.

No pudiendo aspirar a barco propio, arrendó el de Juan de Ruesga.

Unable to aspire to a ship of his own, he leased that of Juan de Ruesga.

Invertidos 254.000 y a punto de zarpar, fue secuestrado en 1483, yendo como capitán en la armada contra el turco.

Having invested 254.000 and being about to set sail, it was seized in 1483, he going as captain in the fleet against the Turk.

Al negarse la gente a embarcar sin recibir la soldada, Ochoa salio fiador de la corona.

When the men refused to embark without receiving their pay, Ochoa stood surety for the crown.

Al no pagar la real hacienda, le embargaron lo que le quedaba.

When the royal treasury failed to pay, they seized what he had left.

Convocada en 1488 la que había de mantener en el trono a la Duquesa de Bretaña, acosada por Francia, se enroló con Domingo de Gilley.

When the fleet was summoned in 1488 that was to keep the Duchess of Brittany, harassed by France, on the throne, he enlisted with Domingo de Gilley.

Herido en una mano quedó manco.

Wounded in one hand, he was left maimed.

"Muy pobre y perdido", pidió ayuda a los causantes de su desgracia^[38].

"Very poor and ruined", he asked for help from the authors of his misfortune^[38].

Derrotados, los Católicos no renunciaron a la Guinea del Oro, pero pospusieron el proyecto.

Routed, the Catholic Monarchs did not renounce the Guinea of Gold, but postponed the project.

Intuyendo que para alcanzar el fin, habrían de cambiar los medios, renunciaron a la fuerza, recurriendo a la astucia.

Sensing that to attain the end they would have to change the means, they renounced force, resorting to cunning.

Orientados por Rodrigo Borgia, optaron por declarar la tierra "recién descubierta", como intentó Enrique IV, en enero de 1463.

Guided by Rodrigo Borgia, they chose to declare the land "newly discovered", as Henry IV attempted in January 1463.

Y se prepararon para encontrarla.

And they prepared to find it.

Preceptivo borrar viejos contactos, con las islas de Africa y Guinea, Isabel aprovechó los numerosos pleitos sobre términos, entre particulares, concejos y mixtos, que enfrentaba a todos contra todos, para conseguir que las Cortes de 1480, ordenasen mandar al Consejo, escrituras, sentencias, albalas, privilegios y cuanto documentos tocasen a derechos de propiedad y jurisdicción, para ser cotejados con los libros reales.

It being imperative to erase old contacts with the islands of Africa and Guinea, Isabella took advantage of the numerous lawsuits over boundaries, between private individuals, town councils, and mixed parties, which set everyone against everyone, to get the Cortes of 1480 to order that deeds, judgments, receipts, privileges, and whatever documents touched upon rights of property and jurisdiction be sent to the Council, to be collated with the royal books.

Ratificados los correctos, rectificados los erróneos y anulados los falsos, se decretó que concejos y particulares, perderían todos sus derechos, incluido el de propiedad, de no remitirlos en el plazo de 80 días.

The correct ones ratified, the erroneous rectified, and the false annulled, it was decreed that councils and private individuals would lose all their rights, including that of property, if they did not submit them within 80 days.

Hubo imprudentes que mandaron originales, sin reservarse copia o sacándola simple, sensatos que la conservaron autorizada y recelosos, que sospechando real maniobra, para apropiarse de lo ajeno, se abstuvieron de obedecer.

There were imprudent ones who sent originals, without keeping a copy or taking a simple one, sensible ones who kept an authorized copy, and suspicious ones who, suspecting a royal maneuver to appropriate what belonged to others, refrained from obeying.

Maquinada la operación, para suprimir alusiones a ultramar y sus partes, no pocos textos fueron corregidos.

The operation having been contrived to suppress allusions to overseas and its parts, not a few texts were corrected.

Y otros quedaron perdidos. Bula de Sixto IV, permitiendo introducir el Santo Oficio en Castilla, facilitó la operación.

And others were lost. A bull of Sixtus IV, permitting the introduction of the Holy Office in Castile, facilitated the operation.

Con hogueras a la mano, la corona pudo eliminar al crítico, suprimiendo o arrinconando a los intelectos más granados, de la sociedad conversa, disimulando el móvil político, tras acusación de herejía.

With bonfires at hand, the crown was able to eliminate the critic, suppressing or sidelining the most accomplished intellects of converso society, disguising the political motive behind an accusation of heresy.

Cerrada la Guinea al castellano, que no obtuviese licencia del rey de Portugal, para frecuentarla, la oferta de los puertos andaluces, se redujo a sal, vino, aceite, pasas e higos secos, pues salvo en raros años de abundancia, estaba prohibida la saca de cereales.

Guinea having been closed to any Castilian who did not obtain a license from the king of Portugal to frequent it, the offering of the Andalusian ports was reduced to salt, wine, oil, raisins, and dried figs, for except in rare years of abundance the export of cereals was prohibited.

Circunscrita la prosperidad a los lugares, que conservaban comunicación con Berbería, en atención a origen templario, que les hacía acreedores al respeto de Portugal, los excluidos adquirieron la costumbre de practicar el corso, a la puerta de casa, capturando cuantos navíos se acercaban.

Prosperity being circumscribed to the places that kept communication with Barbary, owing to a Templar origin that made them deserving of Portugal's respect, the excluded acquired the habit of practicing corsairing at their own doorstep, capturing whatever ships approached.

Robados los que pretendían "tratar con sus mercaderías", la mar de Castilla adquirió tan mala reputación, que los mercaderes de "Africa y Guinea", se abstuvieron de asomar "a estos dichos nuestros regnos, con oro e çera e cobre e añir e cueros"^[1].

Those who sought to "trade with their merchandise" having been robbed, the sea of Castile acquired such a bad reputation that the merchants of "Africa and Guinea" refrained from showing themselves "in these our said kingdoms, with gold and wax and copper and indigo and hides"^[1].

Ausentes del mercado estos géneros, porque "non han osado ni osan tractar, por los dichas mares", el almojarifazgo sevillano quedó por arrendar, recibiendo grave "daño", "nuestros arrendadores e recabdadores mayores".

These goods being absent from the market, because "they have not dared nor dare trade through the said seas", the Sevillian almojarifazgo (royal customs duty) went unleased, "our chief farmers and collectors" receiving grave "damage".

Urgente salvar la renta, en septiembre de 1482, los reyes pusieron bajo su seguro a los mercaderes extranjeros, declarando el corso delito de alta traición.

It being urgent to save the revenue, in September 1482 the monarchs placed foreign merchants under their safeguard, declaring corsairing a crime of high treason.

Para calmar a los vasallos, les autorizaron a frecuentar todos los puertos, donde fuesen recibidos, incluidos los de Granada^[2], permisión breve, pues en diciembre de 1483 fue publicada la bula de indulgencias, que había de ayudar a financiar la conquista^[3].

To calm their vassals, they authorized them to frequent all the ports where they might be received, including those of Granada^[2], a brief permission, for in December 1483 the bull of indulgences was published, which was to help finance the conquest^[3].

Rematada la ocupación de las tres Canarias mayores, por Pedro de Vera, los Católicos quisieron puerto de realengo, entre el Guadiana y Gibraltar, más expedito que el jerezano de Alventos, donde centralizar la percepción del quinto, concentrando el tráfico de las "islas" y la Berbería, a de recibir las presas, que se hiciesen en la mar.

The occupation of the three greater Canaries having been completed by Pedro de Vera, the Catholic Monarchs wanted a crown port between the Guadiana and Gibraltar, more expeditious than the Jerez port of Alventos, where they could centralize the collection of the fifth, concentrating the traffic of the "islands" and Barbary, and receive the prizes taken at sea.

Pendencia sobre términos, entre Cádiz y Puerto de Santa María, les permitió segregar la isla de Trocadero y un trozo de marisma, para fundar Puerto Real.

A dispute over boundaries between Cádiz and Puerto de Santa María allowed them to segregate the island of Trocadero and a piece of marshland, to found Puerto Real.

Pretendiendo población de marinos, pilotos y mercaderes, los monarcas multiplicaron exenciones y privilegios, pero un término de alvinas, escaso en agua e inhóspito, no despertó vocaciones, en tiempo en que señores, necesitados de pobladores, pujaban en ofertas por conseguirlos^[4].

Seeking a population of sailors, pilots, and merchants, the monarchs multiplied exemptions and privileges, but a district of salt flats, scarce in water and inhospitable, did not awaken callings, at a time when lords in need of settlers outbid one another in offers to obtain them^[4].

Iniciada la conquista de Granada por Málaga, los navíos de Andalucía, fueron llamados al bloqueo del reino: "como quiera que fasta aquí avemos tenido nuestra armada, guardando el estrecho de Gibraltar", para cerrar el paso a posibles refuerzos, procedentes de Marruecos, para el "año venidero"^[5], Rodrigo Baeza recorrería los puertos, buscando mayores y mejores barcos, por lo que no saldría batel, en especial del Condado, antes de que pasase.

The conquest of Granada having been begun through Málaga, the ships of Andalusia were called to the blockade of the kingdom: "inasmuch as until now we have kept our fleet guarding the Strait of Gibraltar", to close the passage to possible reinforcements coming from Morocco; for the "coming year"^[5], Rodrigo Baeza would tour the ports, seeking larger and better ships, so that no boat would sail, especially from the County, before he had passed by.

Peor mandados los vascos, los Católicos aplicaron la demagogia.

The Basques being worse commanded, the Catholic Monarchs applied demagogy.

Apelando a la lealtad y "habilidad que tiene la gente desa provincia, para las cosas de la mar", consiguieron que la junta de Guipúzcoa, proveyese en calidad y D

Appealing to the loyalty and "skill that the people of that province have for the things of the sea", they got the junta of Gipuzkoa to provide in quality and D

cantidad^[6].

quantity^[6].

Reunidas las existencias, las mejores unidades fueron apartadas, para la "armada, que agora yo mando hacer, para la mar"^[7].

The stocks having been gathered, the best units were set aside for the "fleet that I now order to be made for the sea"^[7].

Zarpó en junio, incordiando tanto al rey de Tremecén, que dio vasallaje a Fernando, a cambio de que sus barcos "no recibiesen daño" de las naos de Castilla, "que andan armadas por la mar", ni las costas del reino "de sus gentes, que descendiesen a tierra"^[8].

It set sail in June, harassing the king of Tlemcen so much that he gave vassalage to Ferdinand, in exchange for his ships "receiving no harm" from the naos of Castile "that go armed upon the sea", nor the coasts of the kingdom "from their people who might come ashore"^[8].

Juan II de Portugal, señor "da Guiné" en vida del padre, subió al trono en 1481.

John II of Portugal, lord "da Guiné" in his father's lifetime, ascended the throne in 1481.

En 1486, le dieron vasallaje los del reino de Azamor, abriéndole las puertas de la Duquela y Anafé.

In 1486, those of the kingdom of Azamor gave him vassalage, opening to him the gates of the Duquela and Anafé.

Al año siguiente instaló factorías, respetando la autoridad superior del Xarife y el credo de los naturales.

The following year he installed factories, respecting the superior authority of the Sharif and the creed of the natives.

Así estaban las cosas, cuando el genovés Fernando Gentil, residente de Sevilla, quiso proveerse de esclavos, en la "conquista" de Portugal.

Such was the state of things when the Genoese Fernando Gentil, a resident of Seville, wished to supply himself with slaves in the "conquest" of Portugal.

Por no entretenerse, sacando permisos, arrendó la carabela El Esterlin, propiedad de portugués, que iba por maestre.

To avoid the delay of obtaining permits, he chartered the caravel El Esterlin, property of a Portuguese, who went as master.

Regresando con carga de negros, la capturó Esteban Pérez Cabitos, que explotaba carta de marca y represalia, concedida al abulense Gómez Arias, al que despojaron portugueses, en 1485, por valor de 600.000 maravedís, sin haber guerra, que lo justificase^[9].

As it returned with a cargo of blacks, it was captured by Esteban Pérez Cabitos, who was exploiting a letter of marque and reprisal granted to Gómez Arias of Ávila, who had been despoiled by Portuguese in 1485, to the value of 600,000 maravedís, without there being a war to justify it^[9].

Estando el barco en Sevilla y repartidos los negros, Juanoto Berardi los reclamó, en nombre de "sus parientes" de Florencia.

The ship being in Seville and the blacks distributed, Juanoto Berardi claimed them on behalf of "his kinsmen" of Florence.

Arrendatarios del trato de "Guinea e de los Ryos della", al rey de Portugal, les pertenecía la mitad del cargamento, no siendo de justicia que florentinos, pagasen culpas de lusitanos^[10].

As leaseholders of the trade of "Guinea and of its Rivers" from the king of Portugal, half the cargo belonged to them, it not being just that Florentines should pay for the faults of Lusitanians^[10].

En el mismo año, "galea" de Florencia, procedente de Guinea, se apartó de la flota, entrando en Tánger, con 125 "piezas" de negro de ambos sexos.

In the same year, a "galley" of Florence, coming from Guinea, parted from the fleet, entering Tangier with 125 "pieces" of blacks of both sexes.

Al no haber demanda o por tener cita previa, con intención de ampliar mercado, salió a la mar, transbordando la carga a barco de Sevilla.

There being no demand, or because it had a prior appointment, with the intention of widening the market, it put out to sea, transferring the cargo to a ship of Seville.

Desembarcada en el muelle de la Torre del Oro, lugarteniente del Almirante reclamó 24 cabezas de negro o su valor en metálico, en concepto de quinto.

Once unloaded at the wharf of the Torre del Oro, the lieutenant of the Admiral claimed 24 head of blacks or their value in cash, by way of the fifth.

Replicó Juanoto que el fisco castellano, podía reclamar almojarifazgo y alcabala, tasas que pesaban sobre toda mercancía, pero no el quinto, por pertenecer al rey de Portugal.

Juanoto replied that the Castilian treasury could claim almojarifazgo and alcabala, taxes that weighed upon all merchandise, but not the fifth, for it belonged to the king of Portugal.

Acatado el argumento, por real orden de 16 de septiembre de 1485, la falta de brazos se hizo evidente, al vender Juanoto los negros, en menos de 25 días^[11].

The argument having been accepted, by royal order of 16 September 1485, the shortage of hands became evident, for Juanoto sold the blacks in fewer than 25 days^[11].

La guerra de Granada no interfirió el tráfico de Portugal, con su conquista, ni el de determinados andaluces.

The war of Granada did not interfere with Portugal's traffic with its conquest, nor with that of certain Andalusians.

En el verano de 1485, Charles de Valera, alcaide del Puerto de Santa María, armador y tratante en esclavos, obtuvo autorización del Conde de Castro, "mi capitán mayor e general de la armada", con real visto bueno, para llevar a "la costa de Granada e de la Berbería", "vallyner" y carabela con 60 "moros y moras", cuyos rescates tenía "igualados", cargando e importando las mercancías que le diesen a cambio^[12].

In the summer of 1485, Charles de Valera, alcaide (fortress warden) of Puerto de Santa María, shipowner and slave trader, obtained authorization from the Count of Castro, "my chief captain and general of the fleet", with royal approval, to take to "the coast of Granada and of Barbary" a "vallyner" and a caravel with 60 "Moorish men and women", whose barters he had "matched", loading and importing the merchandise they might give him in exchange^[12].

Habitable Puerto Real, se dio por inaugurado a 23 de febrero de 1486.

Puerto Real being habitable, it was considered inaugurated on 23 February 1486.

Con el fin de impedir "muchos fraudes e encubiertas", que hacían los navegantes, amparados en el "desorden" de ir cada cual "con lo que toma, a donde quiere", los Católicos decretaron que quien hiciese presa "por la mar, a los moros enemigos de nuestra Santa Fe Católica", o cargase y descargase en costa, donde "a nos pertenesce el quinto", perdería barco, carga y libertad, de no entrar por aquel puerto^[13].

In order to prevent the "many frauds and concealments" committed by navigators, sheltered by the "disorder" of each one going "with what he takes, wherever he wants", the Catholic Monarchs decreed that whoever took a prize "at sea, from the Moors, enemies of our Holy Catholic Faith", or loaded and unloaded on a coast where "the fifth belongs to us", would lose ship, cargo, and liberty if he did not enter through that port^[13].

Hubiese sido duro el mandato, de surtir efecto, pero al estar enfrascada la autoridad en el sitio de Málaga, las pocas embarcaciones que continuaban navegando, hicieron lo que mejor les parecía^[14].

The mandate would have been harsh had it taken effect, but as the authorities were engrossed in the siege of Málaga, the few vessels that continued sailing did as they saw fit^[14].

Escasas las noticias de viajes a Guinea y la Mina, en este periodo, por estar sometidos, los que navegaban con licencia de Juan II, a la jurisdicción portuguesa, consta que de Sanlúcar de Barrameda, se continuaba yendo a Berbería y Guinea, porque Juan de Orihuela, secretario del Duque de "Sevilla", título inexistente, que prestaba el vulgo al de Medina Sidonia, fletó carabela, para la Mina de Oro, llevando por capitán a Sebastián Rodríguez, vecino de Cartaya.

News of voyages to Guinea and the Mine being scarce in this period, because those who sailed with John II's license were subject to Portuguese jurisdiction, it is recorded that from Sanlúcar de Barrameda one continued going to Barbary and Guinea, for Juan de Orihuela, secretary of the Duke of "Seville" — a nonexistent title that the common people bestowed on that of Medina Sidonia — chartered a caravel for the Gold Mine, taking as captain Sebastián Rodríguez, a neighbor of Cartaya.

Al regreso ocultó parte del oro, ejemplo que siguieron los pasajeros, terminando la travesía en los tribunales^[15].

On the return he hid part of the gold, an example followed by the passengers, the crossing ending in the courts^[15].

Al presentir que aquella guerra sería el último acto, del retroceso del Islam en la Península, musulmanes previsores optaron por emigrar, ahorrándose lo que había de venir. Lo fue el alfaqueque Abrahen el Alfagunt, descendiente de estirpe de emigrantes.

Sensing that this war would be the final act in the retreat of Islam in the Peninsula, foresighted Muslims opted to emigrate, sparing themselves what was to come. One such was the alfaqueque (official charged with ransoming captives) Abrahen el Alfagunt, descendant of a line of emigrants.

Tras la caída de Sevilla, la familia se trasladó a Ronda.

After the fall of Seville, the family moved to Ronda.

Conquistada la serranía, regresaron a la ciudad, donde comprobaron

The mountain range having been conquered, they returned to the city, where they discovered

que no podían convivir con cristianos, emigrando a Granada.

that they could not live together with Christians, and emigrated to Granada.

A principios de 1487, intuyendo que pronto habría de caer, el Alfaqueque obtuvo licencia de los Católicos, para vender los bienes, que conservaba en Sevilla y "pasar allend el mar en Africa, a bevir en tierra de moros"^[16].

At the beginning of 1487, sensing that it would soon fall, the Alfaqueque obtained a license from the Catholic Monarchs to sell the goods he kept in Seville and "pass beyond the sea in Africa, to live in the land of the Moors"^[16].

A esta expatriación voluntaria, se une la de Baudili Azagal, rey de Fandarax, cuyo nombre se adjudicó al imaginario rey llorón de Granada.

To this voluntary expatriation is joined that of Baudili Azagal, king of Fandarax, whose name was assigned to the imaginary weeping king of Granada.

Pulgar y Bernáldez cuentan, que queriendo el Católico despejar los alrededores de Málaga, fue sobre Guadix.

Pulgar and Bernáldez relate that the Catholic Monarch, wishing to clear the surroundings of Málaga, went against Guadix.

Al no encontrar resistencia, consiguió la conquista que buscaba, acusando a los moros de haber "urdido una traición", para reprimir debidamente al vecindario.

Meeting no resistance, he achieved the conquest he sought, accusing the Moors of having "hatched a treason", in order to duly repress the townsfolk.

Reducidos los vasallos de Baudili a 2.000 y sus rentas a dos cuentos de maravedís, reunidos penosamente, el reyecillo quiso escapar a la penuria.

Baudili's vassals having been reduced to 2,000 and his revenues to two cuentos of maravedís, painfully gathered, the petty king wished to escape the penury.

Dando vasallaje al Católico, obtuvo pensión, que doblaba sus ingresos^[17].

Giving vassalage to the Catholic Monarch, he obtained a pension that doubled his income^[17].

Indignado el pueblo por la bajada de pantalones, se levantó en bloque, apenas asomó el rey de Granada.

The people, outraged by the climb-down, rose up en masse as soon as the king of Granada appeared.

Perdido el lugar de Alhedín, Baudili presintió que perdería la cabeza.

The place of Alhedín having been lost, Baudili sensed that he would lose his head.

La salvó corriendo a Guadix, para entregar a Fernando las llaves de sus fortalezas, a cambio de navíos, seguro y licencia, porque "él se quería pasar Allende".

He saved it by running to Guadix, to deliver to Ferdinand the keys of his fortresses, in exchange for ships, safe-conduct, and license, because "he wished to cross over Allende".

Aplicando el principio del puente de plata, el rey le procuró el medio de cruzar el mar, con "muchas casas de moros", adjuntando licencia, para que pudiesen poblar en destino^[18] .

Applying the principle of the silver bridge, the king procured for him the means to cross the sea with "many houses of Moors", attaching a license so that they might settle at their destination^[18] .

De haber estado "allende" al otro lado del estrecho, Baudili no hubiese necesitado lo primero, por tener embarcaciones a la mano y menos lo segundo, pues el Católico carecía de autoridad, en el Norte de Africa, para autorizar o desautorizar lo que fuese.

Had "allende" been on the other side of the strait, Baudili would not have needed the first, having vessels at hand, and still less the second, for the Catholic Monarch lacked authority in North Africa to authorize or de-authorize anything whatsoever.

En agosto de 1487, continuando guerra programada, se secuestraron todas las embarcaciones, de 30 toneles arriba, en especial las de Guipúzcoa y Vizcaya: "deis e pongades embargo en ellas, para que non partan con ellas e en ellas en viaje a parte alguna", por ser necesarias para formar la armada, que había de ir "por la mar"^[19].

In August 1487, the programmed war continuing, all vessels of 30 tons and above were seized, especially those of Gipuzkoa and Biscay: "you shall give and place an embargo upon them, so that they do not depart with them and in them on a voyage to any part", for they were needed to form the fleet that was to go "upon the sea"^[19].

En la década que precedió al descubrimiento, la practica del corso fue costumbre.

In the decade that preceded the discovery, the practice of corsairing was customary.

Jacome Doméstico, regidor y "protector" de genoveses en Puerto de Santa María, denunció atropello sufrido por Nicoloso Despinola, Cosme Lomelín y otros compatriotas.

Jacome Doméstico, councilman and "protector" of the Genoese in Puerto de Santa María, denounced an outrage suffered by Nicoloso Despinola, Cosme Lomelín and other compatriots.

Autorizado desde 1480, que naturales y residentes en Castilla, navegasen a las "escalas de mercadores" y demás puertos de Berbería, fueron robados al regreso, por dos carabelas de Laredo, de Fernando de Hoyo, preboste de Rentería^[1], aplicando la ley antigua, que prohibía tratar con musulmanes.

It having been authorized since 1480 that natives and residents in Castile might sail to the "escalas de mercadores" (merchants' trading posts) and other ports of Barbary, they were robbed on their return by two caravels from Laredo, belonging to Fernando de Hoyo, provost of Rentería^[1], who applied the old law that prohibited dealing with Muslims.

Igual suerte corrió Pedro Pérez, también del Puerto.

The same fate befell Pedro Pérez, also of El Puerto.

Viniendo "por la mar", le despojó el paleño Diego Ximón, perdiendo carga de esclavos, procedentes de Marruecos, con suma indeterminada de meticales^[2].

Coming "by sea," he was stripped by Diego Ximón of Palos, losing a cargo of slaves from Morocco, with an undetermined sum of meticales^[2].

Profesional Charles de Velera de la cacería de infieles, propietario de carabela, dedicada al corso, en 1489 capturó cárabo con 18 moros, "que pasaban de allende al reino de Granada.., cavallos e cueros e añir"^[3].

A professional in the hunting of infidels, Charles de Velera, owner of a caravel devoted to corsairing, in 1489 captured a cárabo with 18 Moors, "who were crossing from beyond to the kingdom of Granada.., horses and hides and añir (indigo dye)"^[3].

A imitación de los mercaderes, los pescadores alternaban piratería y un contrabando, desagradable a la corona, que los factores destinados en las "escalas de mercadores", encargados de negociar rescates de cautivos, debían denunciar, practicado probablemente, aunque lo negase, por Diego Rodríguez.

In imitation of the merchants, the fishermen alternated piracy with a smuggling trade displeasing to the crown, which the factors stationed at the "escalas de mercadores," charged with negotiating the ransom of captives, were obliged to denounce — probably practiced, though he denied it, by Diego Rodríguez.

En 1490, armaba su carabela en Puerto de Santa María, para "partir a la pesquería, segund que han por costumbre", cuando se presentó en el muelle Francisco Criado, "que solía ser vecino de Sevilla", con dos "haldos" grandes, para que los entregase a su factor en Çafi.

In 1490, he was fitting out his caravel in Puerto de Santa María, to "set out for the fishery, as they are accustomed to do," when Francisco Criado, "who used to be a neighbor of Seville," presented himself at the wharf with two large "haldos" (bundles), for him to deliver to his factor in Çafi.

Pagado el flete y embarcados, al descargar en destino, "un pedaço de asero, de los que en los dichos fardos iban", rompió la saca, derramándose a vista del público, tres quintales de metal y 8 de piedra de azufre.

The freight paid and the goods embarked, when unloading at destination, "a piece of steel, among those that were in the said bales," broke the sack, three quintals of metal and 8 of sulfur stone spilling in view of the public.

Prohibido venderlo a los moros, por ser material de guerra, Rodríguez recogió los "haldos", regresando a todo trapo, pues al no tener intención de expatriarse, su futuro dependía, de que se adelantase al denunciante, Ante el juez denunció a Criado, acusándole porque le "forzó" a cargarlos, con engaño^[4].

Selling it to the Moors being prohibited, as it was war materiel, Rodríguez took back the "haldos," returning under full sail, for as he had no intention of expatriating himself, his future depended on getting ahead of the accuser. Before the judge he denounced Criado, accusing him of having "forced" him to load them, with deceit^[4].

No siendo el comportamiento de las reales personas, modelo de ética, el pueblo, acostumbrado a ser estafado, por el poder y en la indefensión, estafó a su vez.

The behavior of the royal persons being no model of ethics, the people, accustomed to being swindled by the powerful and in defenselessness, swindled in turn.

Frecuente que los armadores vendiesen en su provecho las mercancías que les confiaban, lo era no respetar los contratos.

It being frequent for shipowners to sell for their own profit the merchandise entrusted to them, so was not respecting contracts.

En 1488, el mercader burgalés Alfonso de Salamanca, tenía comprado "montón" de azúcar, en Madeira.

In 1488, the Burgos merchant Alfonso de Salamanca had bought a "heap" of sugar in Madeira.

Encargado de cargarlo su hermano, Pedro de Salamanca, que ejercía de factor en Inglaterra, contrató la nao de Juan Landa, vecino de Lequeitio.

His brother Pedro de Salamanca, charged with loading it and acting as factor in England, contracted the nao of Juan Landa, a neighbor of Lequeitio.

Zarpó de Londres con partida de paños, vía Lisboa, donde debía recoger 2.500 ducados en mercancías, adquiridas por el factor en Portugal.

He sailed from London with a consignment of cloth, via Lisbon, where he was to collect 2,500 ducats in merchandise acquired by the factor in Portugal.

En ruta, Landa topó con paisano, acordando ambos regresar a su base.

En route, Landa came upon a countryman, both agreeing to return to their base.

Suspendido el viaje, pero considerando que los paños habían hecho un camino, hasta la costa vasca, se negó a soltar un fardo, sin cobrar el porte.

The voyage suspended, but considering that the cloth had made a journey as far as the Basque coast, he refused to release a single bale without collecting the freight.

Salamanca hubo de ceder.

Salamanca had to yield.

Arrendando flete de urgencia, pagó porte, derechos de puerto y transbordo, sin esperanza de recuperar las perdidas, pues siendo inglesa la compañía aseguradora, no cubría la falta de seriedad comercial^[5].

Chartering freight urgently, he paid freight, port dues and transshipment, with no hope of recovering the losses, for the insurance company being English, it did not cover the lack of commercial seriousness^[5].

No preocupaba a los Católicos la picaresca, ni que los pescadores, habituales de los bancos de Canarias, se deslizasen a las playas de Guinea, armando jábegas en la conquista de Portugal.

The picaresque did not worry the Catholic Monarchs, nor that the fishermen, regulars of the Canaries fishing banks, should slip away to the beaches of Guinea, setting jábegas (seine nets) in the conquest of Portugal.

Lo consentían, acumulando quejas de Juan II, para justificar desalojo de la costa de Allende, con vistas el "descubrimiento". Suficiente a 19 de marzo de 1489, esgrimieron el Tratado de Alcaçobas, recordando a sus vasallos, la prohibición de "entremeterse" en "la dicha Guinea, tratos, rescates, minas, tierras o islas dellas", sin autorización de Lisboa.

They allowed it, accumulating complaints from John II, to justify the eviction of the coast of Allende (the lands Beyond), with a view to the "discovery." Considering it sufficient, on 19 March 1489, they brandished the Treaty of Alcaçobas, reminding their vassals of the prohibition against "meddling" in "the said Guinea, its dealings, barter, mines, lands or islands," without authorization from Lisbon.

Tampoco podrían interceptar los barcos, que fuesen o viniese de Tierra de Negros, con licencia del rey de Portugal.

Nor could they intercept the ships that went to or came from the Land of the Blacks, under license from the king of Portugal.

El que tal hiciese, sería castigado con "quebrantador" de la paz, estando obligados justicias y vecinos, a retener en puerto al sospechoso de encaminarse^[6] a "la Guinea, con sus minas de oro e qualesquier otras islas e tierras, descubiertas e por descubrir, falladas e por fallar, yslas de la Madera, Porto Santo e Deserta e todas las Yslas de las Açores e de las Flores e asy las Yslas de Cabo Verde e todas las yslas... que se fallaren e encontraren, desde la Ysla de la Canaria abaxo, contra Guinea". El que se emboscasen en la mar, para capturar a los que regresaban de la Mina, sería llevado a la corte, quedando su cabeza, a E

Whoever did so would be punished as a "breaker" of the peace, justices and neighbors being obliged to retain in port anyone suspected of heading^[6] to "Guinea, with its gold mines and whatsoever other islands and lands, discovered and to be discovered, found and to be found, the islands of Madeira, Porto Santo and Deserta and all the Islands of the Azores and of Flores and likewise the Islands of Cape Verde and all the islands... that may be found and encountered, from the Island of La Canaria downward, toward Guinea." Whoever lay in ambush at sea, to capture those returning from the Mine, would be taken to the court, his head remaining at E

merced de los monarcas^[7].

the mercy of the monarchs^[7].

A principios de 1489, aparece documentado un exótico don Juan de León, heredero de los reinos de Taugaute en la Berbería, príncipe de todos los alárabes.

In early 1489, an exotic don Juan de León appears documented, heir to the kingdoms of Taugaute in Barbary, prince of all the alárabes.

Habiendo pedido salvoconducto a los Católicos, para navegar a Castilla, pues deseaba "fablar con nos algunas cosas, conplideras a nuestro servicio", fue autorizado a "venir seguramente a nuestra corte", por donde le pareciese, siendo advertidos el Almirante Mayor de la Mar, el capitán general de la armada y los navegantes castellanos, para que de encontrarle, le tratasen con el debido respeto, incluyendo el documento garantía de que podría salir de Castilla, a su voluntad^[8].

Having requested a safe-conduct from the Catholic Monarchs to sail to Castile, since he wished "to speak with us of certain things, befitting our service," he was authorized to "come safely to our court," by whatever way he saw fit, the High Admiral of the Sea, the captain general of the fleet and the Castilian navigators being warned that, should they encounter him, they were to treat him with due respect, the document including a guarantee that he could leave Castile at his will^[8].

Sedeño, utilizando por fuente la crónica de D.

Sedeño, using as his source the chronicle of D.

Rodrigo, arzobispo de Toledo, cuenta que el hijo de Juan I, Fernando de Antequera, el que perdió la batalla de Aljubarrota, contra Portugal y sería electo rey de Aragón, reinando Enrique III, mandó embajadores al "Preste Johan de las Indias", el Soldán de Babilonia, Tamerland y el Gran Turco, "sólo por ser informado de sus tierras, estados, costumbres y de cosas memorables, que había en aquellas partes". Es tentador relacionar al príncipe de los alárabes, con el mítico preste, pero parece más sensato hacerlo con un Juan de León, vecino de Isabela, que a partir de 1497, tuvo a su cargo hacer cumplir las ultimas voluntades, de los castellanos muertos en Indias^[9].

Rodrigo, archbishop of Toledo, recounts that the son of John I, Ferdinand of Antequera — the one who lost the battle of Aljubarrota against Portugal and would be elected king of Aragon, Henry III reigning — sent ambassadors to "Prester John of the Indies," the Sultan of Babylon, Tamerland and the Grand Turk, "solely to be informed of their lands, states, customs and memorable things that there were in those parts." It is tempting to link the prince of the alárabes with the mythical prester, but it seems more sensible to link him with a Juan de León, a neighbor of Isabela, who from 1497 was charged with executing the last wills of the Castilians who died in the Indies^[9].

Sixto IV murió en 1484.

Sixtus IV died in 1484.

Fracasado el intento hacer elegir a Rodrigo Borgia, subió al solio Inocencio VIII, rico en oro, reputado de nigromante y hostil a los Católicos.

The attempt to have Rodrigo Borgia elected having failed, Innocent VIII ascended the throne, rich in gold, reputed a necromancer and hostile to the Catholic Monarchs.

Avispado el cardenal, apenas flaqueó la salud del Pontífice, preparó el futuro, aconsejando a los reyes, provocar demanda de Juan II, ante Roma, invadiendo su "conquista"^[10].

The cardinal being shrewd, as soon as the Pontiff's health faltered he prepared the future, advising the kings to provoke a complaint from John II before Rome, by invading his "conquest"^[10].

Obediente Isabel, a 7 de marzo de 1490, arrendó a Juan de Benegas y Pedro Cansino, pescadores de Palos^[11], las pesquerías de Angra Caballos y Cabo Alboxador, con "seis leguas abaxo..., ques al través de la costa de Canaria, fasta la postimera Ysla del Fierro", con derecho a subarrendar y expulsar al intruso, manu militari, de aguas y playas^[12].

Obedient Isabella, on 7 March 1490, leased to Juan de Benegas and Pedro Cansino, fishermen of Palos^[11], the fisheries of Angra Caballos and Cabo Alboxador, with "six leagues down..., which is across from the coast of Canaria, as far as the farthest Island of Fierro," with the right to sublease and to expel intruders, manu militari, from waters and beaches^[12].

Lo ejercieron, cayendo el rey de Portugal, en la trampa jurídica.

They exercised it, and the king of Portugal fell into the legal trap.

Los jueces de un papa en las últimas, inspirados por el futurible, hicieron abstracción de pruebas documentales. Pretextando que al ser imprecisa la ubicación del Cabo de Bojador, por haberse perdido la memoria, para poder solventar el litigio, se habría de precisar su situación.

The judges of a pope on his last legs, inspired by the would-be successor, made abstraction of documentary evidence, alleging that, the location of Cape Bojador being imprecise, the memory having been lost, in order to be able to settle the litigation, its situation would have to be determined.

En el entretanto y por pura equidad, las aguas comarcanas quedaron vedadas, a portugueses y castellanos.

In the meantime and out of pure equity, the neighboring waters were closed to Portuguese and Castilians.

Recibido el auto, los Católicos lo utilizaron, para limpiarla: habiendo "debate entre nos y el serenísimo rey de Portugal.., sobre la dicha pesquería", sería debidamente castigado el vasallo, que fuese a "pescar cazones", "contra nuestro mandado e defendimiento", a "la pesquería de pescadas de Cabo de Bujador e Angola e Sant Bartolomé e de los Cavallos"^[13].

Having received the ruling, the Catholic Monarchs used it to clean it: there being "debate between us and the most serene king of Portugal.., concerning the said fishery," duly punished would be the vassal who went to "fish for dogfish," "against our command and prohibition," to "the fishery of pescadas (hake) of Cabo de Bujador and Angola and Sant Bartolomé and of the Cavallos"^[13].

Bueno el pretexto para inventariar a los que frecuentaban la Guinea, con nombres y apellido, pues conocerlos ayudaría a silenciarlos, Diego Giral Rico haría "pesquisa y ynquisición", en Palos y otros puertos, averiguando que "personas e caravelas oviesen ydo" a un Allende, cuya existencia habrían de olvidar.

The pretext being good for inventorying those who frequented Guinea, by name and surname — for knowing them would help silence them — Diego Giral Rico would carry out "pesquisa y ynquisición" (inquiry and inquisition), in Palos and other ports, ascertaining what "persons and caravels had gone" to an Allende whose existence they would have to forget.

Inexperto el oficial, viajó a Guinea, para sorprenderles en rescates y caladeros.

The official being inexperienced, he traveled to Guinea to surprise them in barter and fishing grounds.

Amplia la costa, regresó confuso, confesando que no pudo "enteramente saber la verdad, si algunas carabelas fueron a la dicha pesquería o a otra parte". Al ser denunciadas las que iban a los "rescates", por la naturaleza de la carga, propuso descubrirlas cuando "sean venidas", por el mes de agosto.

The coast being extensive, he returned confused, confessing that he could not "entirely learn the truth, whether any caravels went to the said fishery or elsewhere." Since those that went "bartering" were denounced by the nature of their cargo, he proposed discovering them when they "have come," around the month of August.

Interrogados marineros y maestres, por mano de verdugo experto, se sabría "por mandado de quién fueron a pescar, a las dichas pesquerías de Cabo de Bujador e de la Ancla de los Cavallos e de San Bartolomé", omitiendo Angola, porque al estar lejos de las costas, que debían quedar limpias de castellanos, repetir el topónimo, hubiese creado confusión.

Sailors and masters being interrogated by the hand of an expert executioner, it would be known "by whose command they went to fish, at the said fisheries of Cabo de Bujador and of the Ancla de los Cavallos and of San Bartolomé," omitting Angola, because, being far from the coasts that were to remain clean of Castilians, repeating the toponym would have created confusion.

Firmada la provisión en el real de Granada, a primeros de agosto de 1491, se ordenó personarse en la corte, en los primeros 30 días, so pena de ser tratados como "quebrantadores de la paz", a los que fueron o mandaron ir, a las pesquerías de Guinea^[14].

The provision being signed in the royal encampment of Granada in early August 1491, those who went or sent others to the fisheries of Guinea were ordered to appear at court within the first 30 days, under penalty of being treated as "breakers of the peace"^[14].

Hubiese sido imposible declarar "islas" desconocidas, las que visito Colón, de no haber contribuido la Iglesia, a confundir la memoria colectiva.

It would have been impossible to declare the "islands" Columbus visited unknown, had the Church not contributed to confusing the collective memory.

Con ayuda de la Inquisición y unos juzgados civiles, que no le iban a la zaga, pocos se atrevieron a contradecir al poder.

With the help of the Inquisition and civil courts that were not far behind, few dared to contradict the power.

En el presente, calló el incrédulo o repitió la mentira, por puro miedo, heredándola el futuro, con carácter de articulo de fe, por pura ignorancia.

In the present, the unbeliever kept silent or repeated the lie out of pure fear, the future inheriting it, with the character of an article of faith, out of pure ignorance.

Entre las armas que se aplicaron, para alejar a mercaderes y pescadores, de las islas de Africa y Guinea, destacó la del fisco.

Among the weapons applied to drive merchants and fishermen away from the islands of Africa and Guinea, that of the treasury stood out.

Exentos de pagar almojarifazgo, por cargar, descargar y transbordar mercancías, los que frecuentaban puertos menores, en 1490 se confeccionó arancel real, fijando derechos abultados de "portazgo".

Those who frequented the minor ports being exempt from paying almojarifazgo (customs duty) for loading, unloading and transshipping merchandise, in 1490 a royal tariff was drawn up, fixing swollen "portazgo" (transit toll) dues.

Repartido en 1491 a Vejer, Chiclana y Conil, habrían de abonarlos cuantas mercancías entrasen en el perímetro de una legua, en torno al caserío.

Apportioned in 1491 to Vejer, Chiclana and Conil, all merchandise entering within a perimeter of one league around the settlement would have to pay them.

En atención a la proximidad de los términos, quien pagase en uno de los pueblos, no lo haría en los otros dos.

In view of the proximity of the districts, whoever paid in one of the towns would not do so in the other two.

Moderado el impuesto sobre el azúcar, la diferencia al alza del gravamen, que pesaba sobre los géneros ultramarinos, con respecto a los peninsulares, es evidente.

The tax on sugar being moderate, the upward difference in the levy weighing on overseas goods, compared with peninsular ones, is evident.

En el cajón de sastre de la "especiería o buhonería o correcería", encontramos "albornoces", los "almayzares"^[15], que esgrimió Bartolomé Colón por prueba, de que su hermano estuvo en Paria, "azafrán o fustanes o chamelotes o seda texida o en pelo o de alcaiçería o tocas... filo de oro o de plata, labrado o por labrar o brocado o oro en rieles o en pasta o aljófares o piedras preciosas o azogue o bermellón". La carga de cualquiera de estos géneros o de varios reunidos, pagaba 24 maravedís, que era la tasa más alta.

In the catch-all drawer of "spicery or haberdashery or correcería," we find "albornoces" (hooded cloaks), the "almayzares"^[15] that Bartholomew Columbus brandished as proof that his brother had been in Paria, "saffron or fustians or camlets or silk woven or unworked or from the alcaiçería or tocas (headcloths)... gold or silver thread, wrought or unwrought, or brocade, or gold in bars or in paste, or seed pearls, or precious stones, or quicksilver, or vermilion." The load of any of these goods, or of several together, paid 24 maravedís, which was the highest rate.

El pastel o "añir", individualizado, se gravó con 12 maravedís por carga, como la "goma" y otras tinturas, el algodón y el papel.

Pastel, or "añir," itemized separately, was taxed at 12 maravedís per load, like "gum" and other dyestuffs, cotton and paper.

Entre las pieles de "salvajina", que pagaba 6 maravedís por carga, aparece el gato cerval, especie de Indias, según Fernández de Oviedo, tocando a la de "caracoles", 4 maravedís y "de cada moro o mora o judío o judía esclavo, 12 maravedís"^[16].

Among the "salvajina" (game) hides, which paid 6 maravedís per load, appears the serval cat, a species of the Indies, according to Fernández de Oviedo, that of "snails" being 4 maravedís, and "for each male or female Moor, or male or female Jewish slave, 12 maravedís"^[16].

En probanzas de pleito contra el duque de Medina, de mediados del siglo XVI, los vejeriegos lloraban el tiempo en que zarpaban navíos del río Barbate, rumbo a los lugares de Allende del rey de Portugal, con cereales, aceite y legumbres, para traer tinturas, especies, oro y cautivos.

In testimony of a lawsuit against the Duke of Medina, from the mid-16th century, the people of Vejer wept for the time when ships set sail from the Barbate river, bound for the places of Allende of the king of Portugal, with cereals, oil and legumes, to bring back dyestuffs, spices, gold and captives.

Francos los pescadores, porque procuraron armada a Sancho IV y Fernando IV, para conquistar Tarifa, sitiar Algeciras y tomar Gibraltar, al acercase el descubrimiento, les agobiaron los impuestos.

The fishermen being exempt, because they procured a fleet for Sancho IV and Ferdinand IV, to conquer Tarifa, besiege Algeciras and take Gibraltar, as the discovery approached they were burdened with taxes.

En 1491, los de Jerez amenazaron con dejar la profesión, porque sumando partidas, el fisco absorbía el 32%, de sus ingresos brutos^[17], coincidiendo su protesta con la de Pedro Portocarrero, "cuya es la villa" de Moguer.

In 1491, those of Jerez threatened to leave the profession, because, adding up the items, the treasury absorbed 32% of their gross income^[17], their protest coinciding with that of Pedro Portocarrero, "whose is the town" of Moguer.

En mancomún con sus vasallos, se quejó de las "sinrazones", que hacían los almojarifes de Sevilla.

In common cause with his vassals, he complained of the "wrongs" committed by the almojarifes (customs officers) of Seville.

Habiendo puesto barqueta en el puerto, no respetaban el privilegio de labranza y crianza, que tenían los vecinos, exigiendo cargas desconsideradas por el pescado, a más de reclamarlas, a los naturales y "otras personas, que allá vienen agora nuevamente", por las cosechas.

Having placed a barqueta (patrol boat) in the port, they did not respect the privilege of labranza y crianza (farming and raising) enjoyed by the neighbors, demanding inconsiderate charges on the fish, besides claiming them from the natives and "other persons, who come there now anew," on the harvests.

Ocultando la intención de liquidar a los navegantes antiguos, los monarcas ganaron tiempo, nombrando a Rodrigo de Coalla, juez pesquisidor.

Concealing their intention of doing away with the old navigators, the monarchs gained time by appointing Rodrigo de Coalla as investigating judge.

Averiguaría el montante de los derechos antiguos, para equiparar los modernos, cobrando salario, a cuenta de los quejosos^[18].

He would ascertain the amount of the old dues, in order to equalize the modern ones, collecting a salary at the expense of the complainants^[18].

Habiendo concedido Alfonso XII, a los Guzmanes, el almojarifazgo de Huelva y otros puertos de su estado, sería hereditario, confirmándolo Enrique IV y la propia Isabel, la resistencia de ediles salientes, a respetar resultado electoral, que les era desagradable, permitió a la reina mandar alguacil de casa y corte, que so pretexto de poner orden en la cuestión municipal, tomase el control de la aduana, en manos de criados del duque de Medina.

Alfonso XII having granted the Guzmáns the almojarifazgo of Huelva and other ports of their state, it would be hereditary, Henry IV and Isabella herself confirming it, the resistance of outgoing councilmen to respecting an electoral result that was displeasing to them allowed the queen to send a bailiff of the household and court who, under pretext of putting the municipal question in order, should take control of the customhouse, which was in the hands of servants of the Duke of Medina.

Interrogados los pescadores sobre su funcionamiento, el alguacil confirmó que no pagaban por la carga y descarga, ni alcabala en la primera venta, por tener privilegio de labranza y crianza.

The fishermen being interrogated about its functioning, the bailiff confirmed that they did not pay for loading and unloading, nor alcabala (sales tax) on the first sale, as they held the privilege of labranza y crianza.

Al comprar mercaderes y recatones, teniendo lugar la segunda, en el interior o fuera del reino, la renta era prácticamente inexistente.

When merchants and hucksters bought, the second sale taking place in the interior or outside the kingdom, the revenue was practically nonexistent.

Considerando la gratuidad abandono, el funcionario apeló al desperdicio.

Considering the exemption an abandonment, the official appealed to waste.

Adjudicado el almojarifazgo a la corona, pasó a los hechos el 11 de diciembre de 1491.

The almojarifazgo having been awarded to the crown, he moved to action on 11 December 1491.

Secuestrada la pesca, quien quisiese recuperarla, tendrían que ponerse al corriente con el fisco.

The catch being sequestered, whoever wished to recover it would have to get current with the treasury.

Sacadas cuentas, los pescadores concluyeron que el beneficio no compensaba el trabajo, suspendiendo su actividad, sin sospechar que declaraban huelga prematura^[19].

Once the accounts were drawn up, the fishermen concluded that the profit did not compensate for the work, suspending their activity, without suspecting that they were declaring a premature strike^[19].

En el mismo año, os Católicos iniciaron su campaña, para clausurar los puertos de señorío, que competían con los de realengo.

In the same year, the Catholic Monarchs began their campaign to close the seigneurial ports, which competed with those of the royal domain.

Estos tenían la ventaja de ofrecer mercado, a pie de embarcadero, pero los mercaderes preferían los privados, en especial el de Sanlúcar, por compensar los portes un servicio de pilotos de barra y estibadores esmerado, con otros subsidiaron, pactando los señores con gremios y clientes, almojarifazgo y alcabala, a un tanto alzado anual, que se

These had the advantage of offering a market at the foot of the wharf, but the merchants preferred the private ones, especially that of Sanlúcar, because the freight was offset by a diligent service of bar pilots and stevedores; with others they subsidized it, the lords agreeing with guilds and clients on almojarifazgo and alcabala for a fixed annual lump sum, which

traducía en rebajas sustanciosas, incluso en derechos de ancoraje, compensadas por la afluencia.

translated into substantial rebates, even in anchorage dues, compensated by the influx.

Elevados los ingresos, ya en el siglo XIV, excitaron a los almojarifes de la corona, iniciando sus pleitos, en vida del hijo de Guzmán el Bueno.

Their revenues being high already in the 14th century, they excited the crown's almojarifes, who began their lawsuits in the lifetime of the son of Guzmán el Bueno.

Alfonso XI dictó la primera sentencia, a favor de los señores de la villa, el año 1327.

Alfonso XI issued the first sentence, in favor of the lords of the town, in the year 1327.

Apelada, la confirmó Pedro I.

Appealed, Peter I confirmed it.

Prohibido a los arrendatarios del almojarifazgo de Sevilla, registrar los navíos, que entrasen o saliesen del puerto de Sanlúcar, fue ratificada por los sucesivos monarcas, confirmándola Isabel a su tiempo.

The lessees of the almojarifazgo of Seville being forbidden to search the ships that entered or left the port of Sanlúcar, it was ratified by the successive monarchs, Isabella confirming it in her time.

En 1491, estando Enrique de Guzmán en el real de Granada, el almojarifazgo y rentas de Sanlúcar fueron embargados por real orden, levantando el embargo Gonzalo de Cordoba, receptor de los reyes, antes de terminar el año.

In 1491, Enrique de Guzmán being in the royal encampment of Granada, the almojarifazgo and revenues of Sanlúcar were seized by royal order, Gonzalo de Cordoba, receiver of the kings, lifting the seizure before the end of the year.

Recién heredado el hijo, a 4 de junio de 1492, los Católicos iniciaron nuevo pleito fiscal contra su persona^[20] y los concejos de Vejer, Chiclana, Torre de Guzmán y Sanlúcar, con intención de clausurar los puertos.

The son having recently inherited, on 4 June 1492 the Catholic Monarchs initiated a new fiscal lawsuit against his person^[20] and the councils of Vejer, Chiclana, Torre de Guzmán and Sanlúcar, with the intention of closing the ports.

Mintiendo con la seguridad de quien ha de ser creído por decreto, dijeron haber sido recientemente informados, de que en las radas del Guzmán, se "han fecho y facen cargos e descargos de mercaderías, que van e vienen por la mar". Acusaron a Juan de Guzmán de haber introducido el tráfico, "de su propia autoridad, sin tener justa causa ni título", para cobrar "almojarifazgos e ympusiciones y otros muchos y diversos derechos.., de que dis que ha venido e recrecido mucho daño a los mercaderes e tratantes, que en los dichos puertos cargan e descargan sus mercancías", incurriendo el fiscal en doble contradicción.

Lying with the assurance of one who must be believed by decree, they said they had recently been informed that in the Guzmán's roadsteads there "have been made and are made loadings and unloadings of merchandise, which go and come by sea." They accused Juan de Guzmán of having introduced the traffic "of his own authority, without having just cause or title," in order to collect "almojarifazgos and impositions and many other and diverse dues.., from which they say much harm has come and increased to the merchants and traders who load and unload their merchandise in the said ports," the prosecutor incurring a double contradiction.

Por una parte, entraban y salían por la mar, sin pagar "cosa alguna" a los almojarifes de Sevilla, "ni a otras personas", porque los vasallos "de todo ello heran libres, e que así se avia usado" desde hacía tanto tiempo, "que memoria de onbres no hera en contrario", sabiéndolo los reyes, "nuestros progenitores", pues eran usos y costumbres vetustos, que confirmaron repetidamente.

On the one hand, they entered and left by sea without paying "anything at all" to the almojarifes of Seville, "nor to other persons," because the vassals "of all of it were free, and so it had been used" for so long "that the memory of men ran not to the contrary," the kings, "our progenitors," knowing it, for they were age-old uses and customs that they repeatedly confirmed.

Por otra, de resultar gravoso frecuentar las radas mencionadas, los mercaderes las hubiesen eludido, acudiendo al realengo, con acceso directo al mercado, sin necesidad de crecer el costo de las mercancías, con portes suplementarios^[21].

On the other, had frequenting the mentioned roadsteads proved burdensome, the merchants would have avoided them, resorting to the royal domain, with direct access to the market, without needing to increase the cost of the merchandise with supplementary freight charges^[21].

Cambiando de argumento, el fiscal fue al meollo de la cuestión, aludiendo al mucho "daño y menoscabo", que recibían las rentas reales, "porque dis que si algunos derechos se han podido e devido o pueden e deven llevar, en los tales dichos puertos o en alguno dellos", pertenecían a la corona, "e no a otra persona alguna", por perderse definitivamente, al no ser cobrados por nadie.

Changing his argument, the prosecutor went to the heart of the matter, alluding to the great "harm and diminution" that the royal revenues received, "because they say that if any dues have been able and owed to be, or can and ought to be collected, in such said ports or in any of them," they belonged to the crown, "and not to any other person," being definitively lost when not collected by anyone.

Haciendo hablar al pueblo a su conveniencia, los reyes se refirieron a "leales vasallos" anónimos. Habiendo "suplicado y pedido", que lo "mandasen proveer y remediar", cedían a su demanda, ordenando pesquisa.

Making the people speak to their convenience, the kings referred to anonymous "loyal vassals." These having "begged and requested" that they "order it provided and remedied," they yielded to their demand, ordering an inquiry.

De Sanlúcar, por ser el más importante, se ocupó Alonso de Mármol.

Of Sanlúcar, as the most important, Alonso de Mármol took charge.

Podría investigar por espacio de 180 días, cobrando a cuenta de la parte demanda, 300 maravedís al día y cinco reales para el escribano^[22].

He could investigate for a space of 180 days, collecting on account of the sued party 300 maravedís a day and five reales for the scribe^[22].

El licenciado Balboa, encargado de los puertos menores, los clausuró, sin mas averiguaciones^[23].

The licentiate Balboa, charged with the minor ports, closed them without further inquiries^[23].

Cogido de corto, el duque de Medina expuso el perjuicio, que se hacía a los vecinos.

Caught unprepared, the Duke of Medina set out the harm being done to the neighbors.

Pero nunca hubo monarca que antepusiese el bienestar del súbdito, a su ambición de poder, gloria y riqueza.

But there was never a monarch who put the welfare of the subject before his ambition for power, glory and wealth.

Temiendo que las cosas se torciesen, de dar al Guzmán lugar y tiempo, para exhibir papeles, se dictó sentencia, sin mediar juicio, decretando que el "almojarifazgo del cargo e descargo de la mar, por los dichos puertos y cada uno de ellos, son y pertenecen al rey y la reyna y a su corona". Decretado clausurar los de Vejer, Conil y Chiclana, frase lapidaria liquidó la cuestión: "ponemos perpetuo silencio al dicho duque y sus herederos y sucesores, para que agora y para siempre jamás, no se entremeta a coger ni llevar los dichos almojarifazgos, del cargo e descargo de la mar.., ni perturbe ni moleste a los almojarifes", facultados para poner guardas, barqueta, "factores y cogedores, así dentro de los lugares, como en otras partes cualesquiera". Quienes "cargaren o descargaren en los dichos puertos", pagarían las tasas, establecidas por "las leyes del cuaderno del almojarifazgo" o arancel, "asy de su labranza y crianza, como de otras cosas"^[24].

Fearing that things would go awry if the Guzmán were given place and time to exhibit papers, sentence was issued without trial intervening, decreeing that the "almojarifazgo of the loading and unloading of the sea, through the said ports and each one of them, is and belongs to the king and the queen and to their crown." The closing of those of Vejer, Conil and Chiclana being decreed, a lapidary phrase settled the question: "we impose perpetual silence on the said duke and his heirs and successors, so that now and forevermore he shall not meddle in collecting or taking the said almojarifazgos of the loading and unloading of the sea.., nor disturb or molest the almojarifes," who were empowered to place guards, a barqueta, "factors and collectors, both within the places and in any other parts whatsoever." Those who "load or unload in the said ports" would pay the rates established by "the laws of the cuaderno of the almojarifazgo" or tariff, "both of their labranza y crianza and of other things"^[24].

Eximido el Guzmán de costas, no apreció el detalle.

The Guzmán being exempted from costs, he did not appreciate the gesture.

Exponiéndose a pagarlas abultadas, recurrió a través del licenciado Luzero, que calificó la sentencia de atropello, por ser conocido que el puerto de Vejer , estaba en activo en 1307, cuando Guzmán el Bueno tomó posesión de la villa.

Exposing himself to paying them in swollen amounts, he appealed through the licentiate Luzero, who called the sentence an outrage, it being known that the port of Vejer was active in 1307, when Guzmán el Bueno took possession of the town.

En Conil o Torre de Guzmán, hubo carga y descarga, desde que se fundó hasta que fue despoblado,

In Conil or Torre de Guzmán, there was loading and unloading, from the time it was founded until it was depopulated,

al parecer por la peste.

apparently by the plague.

Repoblado en 1410, fue "nuevamente abierto", pues a más de tener almadraba, albergaba armazones de pesquería, siendo público que en Chiclana cargaban y descargaban navíos, aunque en menor número, sin que en ningún momento, la corona se hubiese entrometido a prohibirlo.

Repopulated in 1410, it was "newly opened," for besides having an almadraba (tuna trap fishery), it housed fishing installations, it being public knowledge that in Chiclana ships loaded and unloaded, though in smaller number, without the crown at any moment having meddled to prohibit it.

Probando lo dicho, documentos en mano, el abogado declaró impresentable que el fiscal pretendiese contradecirlo, esgrimiendo testimonios de "onbres pobres e raezes e de vana opinión, e criados e guardas de los dichos almojarifes", que además de ser parte, los más "fablan de oydas", como hombres "de vanas creencias" y "contrarios los unos a los otros"^[25].

Proving the aforesaid, documents in hand, the lawyer declared it unseemly that the prosecutor should pretend to contradict it, brandishing testimonies of "poor and lowly men of vain opinion, and servants and guards of the said almojarifes," who besides being a party, mostly "speak from hearsay," as men "of vain beliefs" and "contrary to one another"^[25].

En nombre de los concejos y el señor, pidió que la sentencia fuese anulada, para iniciar nuevo pleito conforme a derecho, ante jueces imparciales, que respetasen fueros y plazos, dando tiempo a reunir testimonios, para probar que el "cargo y descargo de las villas e sus ríos e puertos, pertenecen al dicho duque" y a los vecinos, los cuales eran "libres de pagar los dichos derechos". Hombres de experiencia el Guzmán y su letrado, el empleo de la palabra "equidad", debió tener por fin sonrojar a los oidores del rey.

In the name of the councils and the lord, he asked that the sentence be annulled, to initiate a new lawsuit according to law, before impartial judges who would respect fueros (chartered rights) and deadlines, giving time to gather testimonies, to prove that the "loading and unloading of the towns and their rivers and ports belong to the said duke" and to the neighbors, who were "free from paying the said dues." Men of experience, the Guzmán and his lawyer — the use of the word "equity" must have aimed to make the king's oidores (high-court judges) blush.

Debieron conseguirlo, pues cambiaron de argumento: la casa de Guzmán y sus pueblos, había perdido derechos, usos y costumbres, porque no presentaron sus títulos al Consejo, dentro de los 80 días que dieron las Cortes, en 1480.

They must have succeeded, for they changed their argument: the house of Guzmán and its towns had lost rights, uses and customs, because they did not present their titles to the Council within the 80 days given by the Cortes in 1480.

Firme la sentencia de "que no se cargue ni descargue", en los puertos de Conil^[26], Chiclana y Vejer, quedó en papel mojado, manteniéndose el puerto de Barbate activo, hasta finales del siglo XVII.

The sentence of "no loading or unloading" in the ports of Conil^[26], Chiclana and Vejer being firm, it remained a dead letter, the port of Barbate staying active until the end of the 17th century.

Prolongada la guerra de Portugal en "Africa", en agosto de 1489, el rey de Fez firmó tregua con Juan II, levantando el sitio de Graciosa.

The war of Portugal in "Africa" being prolonged, in August 1489 the king of Fez signed a truce with John II, lifting the siege of Graciosa.

Poco después fue sobre Tánger, truncando el intento tropas portuguesas, aparcadas en Arcilla.

Shortly afterward he moved against Tangier, Portuguese troops parked in Arcilla truncating the attempt.

En el curso de la contienda, creció la oferta de esclavos.

In the course of the conflict, the supply of slaves grew.

Saturado el mercado habitual, los florentinos lo buscaron en Andalucía.

The habitual market saturated, the Florentines sought it in Andalusia.

En 1491, metieron en Málaga carabela, con 100 cabezas de negros, "machos y hembras", alegando "temor de corsarios". Apenas ancorada, el representante de los almojarifes de Sevilla, por cierto judío, reclamó 20 "piezas", en concepto de quinto, interviniendo Juanoto Berardi, para repetir, por enésima vez, que pertenecía al rey de Portugal, como señor de Guinea.

In 1491, they put a caravel into Málaga, with 100 head of blacks, "males and females," alleging "fear of corsairs." Scarcely had it anchored when the representative of the almojarifes of Seville, a Jew as it happens, claimed 20 "pieces" by way of the fifth, Juanoto Berardi intervening to repeat, for the nth time, that it belonged to the king of Portugal, as lord of Guinea.

No queriendo enzarzarse con Lisboa y Florencia, los Católicos le dieron la razón: "nunca en nuestros reinos se pagó quinto", por lo que "viene de mercadería e no de cavalgada".

Not wishing to become entangled with Lisbon and Florence, the Catholic Monarchs ruled in his favor: "never in our kingdoms was the fifth paid," for which reason it "comes from merchandise and not from a cavalgada" (raid).

Pero al haber pleito pendiente, provocado por los almojarifes, los negros quedaron depositados, ante el escribano Alonso Mármol, como garantía del pago de costas^[27].

But there being a pending lawsuit, provoked by the almojarifes, the blacks remained deposited with the scribe Alonso Mármol, as guarantee of the payment of costs^[27].

Antes de terminar el año, alguacil de casa y corte, vecino de Gibraltar, capturó ciertos moros que pasaban de allende.

Before the year's end, a bailiff of the household and court, a neighbor of Gibraltar, captured certain Moors who were crossing from beyond.

Vendidos a vecinos de Tarifa, sin atender a las protestas del Capitán de Ceuta, resultaron ser miembros de "embajada", encabezada por importante alfaqueque, que estaba aguardando Juan II.

Sold to neighbors of Tarifa, without heeding the protests of the Captain of Ceuta, they turned out to be members of an "embassy," headed by an important alfaqueque (ransomer of captives), whom John II was awaiting.

Protestó el rey de Portugal, ordenando los Católicos devolución.

The king of Portugal protested, the Catholic Monarchs ordering their return.

Remitido el alfaqueque a la plaza portuguesa, sus compañeros quedaron retenidos, por sentenciar el corregidor, que fueron ganados en "buena guerra", al haber resistido con violencia, a sus raptores.

The alfaqueque being sent back to the Portuguese stronghold, his companions remained detained, the corregidor sentencing that they had been won in "good war," having violently resisted their captors.

Nueva intervención de Juan II, obligó a liberarlos^[28].

A new intervention by John II obliged their release^[28].

Cesado Pedro de Vera, como gobernador de las Canarias, reintegrado a su casa de Jerez, donde estaba en enero de 1492^[29], Fernández de Lugo pudo iniciar su guerra.

Pedro de Vera having been dismissed as governor of the Canaries and returned to his house at Jerez, where he was in January 1492^[29], Fernández de Lugo could begin his war.

Y Colón su descubrimiento.

And Columbus his discovery.